The rise of Anglo-Saxon kingship has many influences, yet current scholarly discussion tends to focus on a select few. This thesis aims to analyze an oft-ignored factor in the development of kingship in Anglo-Saxon England. By discussing the influences of domestic production, international trade, food-based tribute, and royal feasting on Anglo-Saxon kingship from the fifth to the eleventh centuries, the role of food consumption in the development of kingship can be articulated. This thesis begins with a discussion of the practices of Anglo-Saxon domestic food production. Systems of agriculture and animal husbandry are analyzed, along with the various methods used to procure domestic prestige foods. This chapter explores the links between conceptions of land ownership and the legitimacy of kingly rule. A discussion of international trade in prestige food follows, analyzing the ways in which the developing relationship between Anglo-Saxon England and the European Continent shaped internal and external conceptions of kingship. Following this chapter, a discussion of the variant chronological forms of Anglo-Saxon kingship is pursued. This discussion culminates in a case study of the collection of food-rents throughout the Anglo-Saxon occupation of England, revealing the connections among land ownership, status goods, and long-distance organization in the rise of kingship. An analysis of the development of Anglo-Saxon feasting follows, displaying the links between the use of prestige foods and relationships based on systems of obligations in solidifying Anglo-Saxon kingship. A general discussion follows, during which the combined influences of production, trade, tribute, and feasting on Anglo-Saxon kingship are made manifest. Finally, an overview of this thesis' findings is presented, along with suggestions for further study.

The Wife 's Lament from the Exeter Book has attracted much notice and speculation due to its mysterious origin and its narrator, who represents one of the few female voices surviving from the Anglo-Saxon period. Many scholars speculate that this work is related to The Husband's Message, another piece of equal length and similar subject matter from the same codex. I propose that the two works were originally symmetrical halves to a single work, in the form of a complaint and reply designed to represent the biblical metaphor of the Church as the Bride of Christ. Extensive parallels to biblical writings as well as to medieval theology suggest that the Wife of The Wife's Lament was intended to personify the voice of the waiting Church between Christ's ascension and his apocalyptic return. Similarly, The Husband's Message seems to embody Christ's promise of return and of the coming of the Kingdom of God: words of encouragement to the Church in her suffering. These voices echo the allegory of Christ the Bridegroom found throughout the Old and New Testaments, especially (in the medieval conception) in the Song of Songs, and provide a context in which the structural similarities of the works become more persuasive. Finally, I postulate that the form of the original work derives from remnants of the ancient Scandinavian cult of Freyja still resident in the cultural consciousness of Anglo-Saxon society even after the conversion to Christianity. In comparing the two stories it can be seen that the Wife's tone of lament echoes the mourning of Freyja at Freyr's seasonal death, and the voice of the Husband recalls Freyr's seasonal return with the spring. With evidence of form, purpose, and context, the argument for original unity accounts for the many mysterious elements in the two works.

This thesis explores the impact of Rome upon Anglo-Saxon politics, religion, and culture in the ninth century. From the Gregorian mission onwards, Rome helped shape the ecclesiastical and devotional contexts of Anglo-Saxon Christianity and occupied a central place in the imaginations of early English writers. Yet the extent to which these links continued into and throughout the ninth century remains obscure, with scholarship about religion and culture often treating the period as a hiatus. In political narratives, the ninth century is treated as a crucial period, and Roman involvement is most visible in this sphere. By redressing the imbalance between religion and politics, this thesis achieves a thorough appreciation of the part played by Rome in these various fields of experience, as well as showing how Anglo-Saxon writers located themselves and their pasts in relation to the city. It does so over the course of five thematic chapters, which progress from an analysis of the most fundamental issues to more imaginative ones. Chapter one examines contact and communication between England and Rome, arguing that the two areas were closely and constantly connected across the century. The second and third chapters explore the impact of Rome on religion and kingship respectively, finding that while Roman influence on the church was most pronounced in the first half of the century, in political terms the city played a significant and changing role throughout the period. Chapters four and five consider the position of Rome in Anglo-Saxon historical thought and geographical understanding, examining how writers continued to define their position in a wider Christian world with reference to the city and its past. This thesis argues that, in the ninth century, Rome continued to play an important role in English life, while also influencing Anglo-Saxon thought and experience in new and dynamic ways.

This thesis examines the ideal of the Anglo-Saxon and Irish ciuitas, c. 500-1050, by considering what Anglo-Saxon and Irish ecclesiastics understood a ciuitas to be, how they used the term in their own writings and what terms were its vernacular equivalent. When looking at early Insular history, there can be no doubt that the locations that were called ciuitates by Anglo-Saxon and Irish ecclesiastics are some of the most important sites in forming a better understanding of the time period. Ciuitates like Armagh, Canterbury, Clonmacnoise, Iona, Kildare, London and Winchester were settlements that attracted large numbers of people, as well as being centres of both secular and religious power. These ecclesiastical centres had a diversity of individuals within their boundaries, from the ecclesiastics of the sacred centre to monastic tenants and various types of visitors. The importance of Anglo-Saxon and Irish ciuitates cannot only be seen in the frequency of the term's use in primary sources, but also in the great extent to which these sites are mentioned in secondary sources on the time period. Although these communities are often used by scholars to prove or disprove different points of history, the term ciuitas has not been examined in a study devoted to the subject. This thesis has been divided into three chapters. Chapter one considers biblical inspiration in the ideal of the ciuitas, chapter two analyzes the Anglo-Saxon ciuitas and word usage, while chapter three reviews the Irish ciuitas and word use. By the end of this study it will become clear what Anglo-Saxon and Irish ecclesiastics thought a ciuitas to be, as well as the different definitions they understood to apply to these sites.

À l'opposé du Paradis céleste que rejoignent les élus, les artistes romans ont imaginé le monde de tourments qui attend les pécheurs. Ce lieu de terreur, duquel s'élèvent « des pleurs et des grincements de dents » (Matth. 22, 13), ne peut être illustré sous des formes simples et communes. L'imagerie médiévale, précocement, dès le IXe siècle dans le domaine anglo-saxon, donne à l'Enfer l'apparence d'une tête hybride, la Gueule d'Enfer. Sculpteurs et enlumineurs se sont-ils inspirés de monstres issus des mythologies païennes anciennes et contemporaines ? Sur quelles sources textuelles se sont-ils appuyés pour élaborer ce motif ? Aisément reconnaissable, l'image de la Gueule s'inscrit dans les nombreuses représentations du Jugement Dernier et de la Descente du Christ aux Enfers. Une étude typologique pourra déterminer l'influence de la présence et de l'aspect de la Gueule d'Enfer sur la signification de ces épisodes fondateurs du Christianisme. La Gueule terrifiante devient le symbole même d'un Enfer fantasmagorique et vivant ; elle envahit progressivement toute l'iconographie religieuse et il convient de voir si elle ne modifie pas le sens de nombreux épisodes bibliques. Présente encore à l'époque gothique, la Gueule d'Enfer est transformée par les artistes de la fin du Moyen Âge, avant de disparaître progressivement de l'iconographie religieuse. Si l'Enfer médiéval a suscité de nombreuses études, le motif de la Gueule dévorante a paradoxalement peu attiré l'attention des Historiens de l'Art. Cette thèse tend à combler, au moins en partie, cette lacune. / Opposed to the Celestial Heaven waiting for the blessed, the roman artists invented a netherworld waiting for the sinners. This terrifying place, from where « tears and gnashing of the teeth » arrive (Matth, 22 , 13 ) cannot be illustrated in simple and common ways. As soon as the 11th century, in the anglo-saxon world, Hell was represented as an hybrid head, the Maw of Hell, in the medieval imagery. Did the sculptors and the illuminators get their inspiration from the monsters belonging to the oldest and contemporary pagan mythology ? Which textual sources did they use to elaborate this pattern ? Easily recognisable, the image of the Maw is one of the many representations of the Last Judgment and of Christ's Descent to Hell. A typological study will determine the influence of the presence and the aspect of the Maw of Hell on the meaning of those founding episodes of Christianism. The terrifying Maw became the symbol of a fantasmagoric and real hell slowly invading the whole religious iconography and it is worth wondering if it didn't change the meaning of many biblical episodes. Still present during the Gothic period, the Maw of Hell was changed by the artists of the late Middle Ages, before disappearing slowly from religious iconography. If medieval Hell was the subject of many studies, the Maw of Hell surprisingly attracted few Art History researchers. This thesis partially tries to fill this gap.

This thesis explores the experiences of rural communities who lived between the seventh and ninth centuries in central and eastern England. Utilising archaeological evidence as the primary source for study, the central aim of this thesis is to demonstrate the ways in which settlement remains can provide a picture of contemporary social, economic and political conditions in ‘Middle Saxon’ England. Analysis of archaeological evidence from currently-occupied rural settlements represents a particularly unique and informative dataset to accomplish this central aim, and when combined with other forms of evidence illustrates that the seventh to ninth centuries was a period of fundamental social change, that impacted rural communities in significant and lasting ways. The transformation of settlement character was part of a more widespread process of landscape investment during the ‘Middle Saxon’ period, as rapidly stratifying social institutions began to manifest power and influence through new means. Such an analysis represents a significant departure from the prevailing scholarly outlook of the early medieval landscape, which continues to posit that the countryside of England remained largely unchanged until the development of historic villages from the ninth century onward. In this regard, the evidence presented by this thesis from currently-occupied rural settlements provides substantial backing to the idea that many historic villages emerged as part of a two-stage process which began during the ‘Middle Saxon’ period. Whilst it was only following subsequent change that recognisable later village plans began to take shape, key developments between the seventh and ninth centuries helped articulate the form and identity of rural centres, features that in many instances persisted throughout the medieval period and into the present day.

This thesis studies, for the first time, Bede’s use of the image of the Jewish temple across all his writings. Not only analysing how Bede developed earlier Christian interpretations of the temple, it also uses the temple-image to shine light on under-explored aspects of his theological thought. Throughout, I argue that the communal understanding of the temple-image in Bede’s monastery helped shape his exegesis; we should think of Bede, not as an individual scholar, but as a monk engaged in an active discourse concerning the Bible. <strong>Chapter 1</strong> introduces the thesis, providing the historiographical and historical context. Bede’s exegesis existed within a long tradition of Christian interpretation of the temple, as <strong>Chapter 2</strong> shows; one image could be interpreted in diverse ways by Bede and therefore this thesis follows a thematic approach. <strong>Chapter 3</strong> studies Bede’s engagement with the cosmic interpretation of the temple, in particular his use of the image to emphasise the Anglo-Saxons’ participation in the universal Church. Analysing Bede’s interpretation of the Jewish priesthood, <strong>Chapter 4</strong> argues that he championed an élite of ordained clerics in the role of reforming the temple-Church. This Church clashed with the Body of Satan, symbolised by the Tower of Babel, concerning which the contemporary Northumbrian situation shaped Bede’s understanding. For Bede, the temple-image stressed Christ’s humanity and his sacrificial priesthood, as <strong>Chapter 5</strong> shows. Bede urged the faithful to shape themselves as pure temples in imitation of Christ, directing them towards union with God. A diachronic overview of Bede’s writings on the temple in <strong>Chapter 6</strong> highlights the importance of the years immediately prior to 716, the period in which the Codex Amiatinus was created at his monastery of Wearmouth-Jarrow, in the development of Bede’s interpretation of the temple. We should consider the possibility that Bede’s temple-commentaries drew upon interpretations formed in this communal, monastic, context.

This thesis examines attitudes and approaches towards death, as well as aesthetic representations of death, in Anglo-Saxon hagiography. The thesis contributes to the discussion of the historical and intellectual contexts of hagiography and considers how saintly death-scenes are represented to form commentaries on exemplary behaviour. A comprehensive survey of death-scenes in Anglo-Saxon hagiography has been undertaken, charting typical and atypical motifs used in literary manifestations of both martyrdom and non-violent death. The clusters of literary motifs found in these texts and what their use suggests about attitudes to exemplary death is analysed in an exploration of whether Anglo-Saxon hagiography presents a consistent aesthetic of death. The thesis also considers how modern scholarly fields such as thanatology can provide fresh discourses on the attitudes to and depictions of ‘good' and ‘bad' deaths. Moreover, the thesis addresses the intersection of the hagiographic inheritance with discernibly Anglo-Saxon attitudes towards death and dying, and investigates whether or not the deaths of native Anglo-Saxon saints are presented differently compared with the deaths of universal saints. The thesis explores continuities and discontinuities in the presentations of physical and spiritual death, and assesses whether or not differences exist in the depiction of death-scenes based on an author's personal agenda, choice of terminology, approaches towards the body–soul dichotomy, or the gender of his or her subject, for example. Furthermore, the thesis investigates how hagiographic representations of death compare with portrayals in other literature of the Anglo-Saxon period, and whether any non-hagiographic paradigms provide alternative exemplars of the ‘good death'. The thesis also assesses gendered portrayals of death, the portrayal of last words in saints' lives, and the various motifs relating to the soul at the moment of death. The thesis contains a Motif Index of saintly death-scenes as Appendix I.

This thesis presents an osteoarchaeological analysis of juvenile mortality profiles questioning the speculations made by some archaeologists that the under-representation of infants from Anglo-Saxon and medieval burial populations could be due to the practice of infanticide in England during these periods. Morphological and metrical age estimation and sex assessment methods are used to determine the age-at-death and sex of 1275 children from fifty-three Anglo-Saxon and medieval sites located in southern England. The age and sex distribution of the Anglo-Saxon and medieval children under six-years-old are then compared with age-specific United Nations demographic statistics see to whether or not a normative mortality profile is presented by the archaeological populations. This study identified an abnormal age-at-death distribution for the early Anglo-Saxon perinatal individuals. Excess female mortality was observed for the perinatal individuals from all three periods; early Anglo-Saxon, late Anglo-Saxon and medieval, and for the neonatal and infant individuals from the early Anglo-Saxon and medieval periods. The results of this osteoarchaeological analysis are discussed in conjunction with a review of the Anglo-Saxon and medieval documentary evidence which examines the possible social and economic motives for infanticide. Whilst this analysis of the historical sources revealed laws and penitentiary warnings against the neglect and deliberate murder of infants, the late Anglo-Saxon and medieval documents provided little evidence to suggest the social devaluation of women that would support a hypothesis of preferential female infanticide. There are few surviving early Anglo-Saxon documents however, so the significance of the abnormal mortality profiles from this period is considered.

<p>Abstract</p><p>Title: When book becomes film... – a comparative analysis of the book and film Catch me if you can (När bok blir till film…En jämförande analys av boken och filmen Catch me if you can)</p><p>Number of pages: 46</p><p>Author: Majlinda Juniku</p><p>Tutor: Amelie Hössjer</p><p>Course: Media and Communication Studies C</p><p>Period: Autumn term 2007</p><p>University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University.</p><p>Purpose/Aim: To study what model of dramaturgy belongs to the film Catch me if you can and to see what has been crossed out, altered and added from the book so the narrative will fit this model.</p><p>Material/Method: The film Catch me if you can and the book with the same name has been used to analyze the differences between them. I have divided the differences into three categories: Crossed out, Altered and Added. In the analysis section these have been presented in each section of the film.</p><p>Main results: Catch me if you can is definetly a film made with the design of the Anglosaxon model, mostly because of its timestructure and that it portrays an action and not just a condition which is normal in the epic-lyric model. Big parts of the story have been crossed out, altered and added to make the film more acceptabel to the audience. Most of the changeshad been done to make the story shorter to fit the timeframe of a film. Events had been joinedtogether to save time but not miss anything. A character, Hanratty, has been reinforced to create a cat-and-mouse story and add excitement to the film. Other changes have been made to make the main character seem more likeable to the audience.</p><p>Keywords: book, film, dramaturgy, Catch me if you can, anglo-saxon, epic-lyric</p>