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Zugl.: Berlin, Freie Univ., Habil.-Schr.

Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2008. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-73).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of New South Wales, 2007. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on May 6, 2007). Includes bibliographical references (p. 256-276).

Thesis advisor: Andrew Miller / Despite reform, de facto segregation is still prominent in cities and towns across the country, and schools are no exception. White students are likely to attend schools that are 70% White, Black and Latinx students are likely to attend schools that are at least 50% Black or Latinx. Research has shown that predominantly White schools (>70% White) tend to perpetuate structural racism through tracking, inequitable grading practices, and parents’ opportunity hoarding. Furthermore, students of color in predominantly White schools often experience deficit thinking, racial spotlighting, microaggressions, and isolation. Since true integration of America’s public schools is not likely, it is important to determine how, if at all, school leaders perceive the emergence of anti-racism in predominantly White schools, especially given the disproportionate racial impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and raised consciousness around structural racism. It is also important to identify the conditions that support or constrain anti-racist initiatives in these mostly White spaces. Using qualitative methods, this case study of a predominantly White school district finds that anti-racism in predominantly White schools can be enacted, most notably in the areas of grading practices, leveling, curriculum, and student support programs. However, the findings also demonstrate that resistance from White teachers and parents, combined with a fear of burning teachers out, did not allow for accountability for anti-racist practices, which ultimately slowed the pace of systemic anti-racist change. / Thesis (EdD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Educational Leadership and Higher Education.

A cursory review of the extant literature on race, ethnicity and youth culture reveals a burgeoning amount of social science research that investigates the ethnic identities of minority groups. Yet to date, we still know very little about the corresponding cultural identities of the ethnic majority and who they are in these times of global change and economic disharmony. This thesis aims to address this imbalance by exploring the meaning of white ethnicity in young people's lives. It draws upon historical, subcultural and ethnographic methods of data collection to ask the question, how do white youth 'do' whiteness in the present English post-imperial moment. By making lucid the 'practice' of whiteness, the thesis Must, ates the varied and contingent enactment of white identities by young people. It is argued that a new appraisal of white, Anglo-ethnicities is presently required if young people are to be sufficiently equipped for dealing with the 'new times' of contemporary multi-ethnic Britain. The thesis implodes the monolithic assumption of whiteness as a hermetically sealed ethnic category to investigate the complex, multiple and fragmented experiences entailed when exhibiting white cultural identities. Moreover, the evidence suggests that a failure to connect with white ethnicities may only serve to bolster youthful allegiances to a xenophobic white, English nationalism. Instead, the research calls for a critical engagement with white, English ethnicities in order to splice the social immediacy of whiteness, racism and nationalism in young people's lives. In this respect the study aims to explore the possibilities available for a positive white, youthful identity unencumbered by the burden of racism and nationalism. As such, the thesis explores the 'making' and 'unmaking' of whiteness and considers the possibilities for new white ethnicities in the West Midlands and Tyneside conurbation of England.

Although scholars have explored the role of emotions, specifically White guilt and shame, in combating racism, there is a dearth of research available regarding differences between White guilt and shame, and measures available that independently assess these emotions in relation to White racism. The purpose of this study was to test a model of White Guilt and White shame as distinct forms of racial affect that serve to promote anti-racism (N=881). The White Guilt and White Shame model, tested using structural equation modeling, hypothesized that combined aspects of White guilt and White shame proneness, collective White guilt (e.g., group based culpability) and motivation processes to respond without racism (e.g., internal, external) would serve to challenge the development of colorblindness and fear of people of color, while fostering greater empathy and willingness to combat racism. Although the proposed hypotheses were moderately supported, and an overall acceptable model fit was found, two modifications were made to White Shame within the original proposed model in accordance with theory and empirical findings. Results from this study indicated that White guilt proneness, collective White guilt, and internal motivation to respond without racism loaded on the factor White Guilt, while White shame proneness, collective White guilt, and external motivation to respond without prejudice loaded on the factor White shame. Furthermore, results also provided sufficient evidence that White Guilt and White Shame have a positive effect on reducing colorblindness and promoting racial empathy, rather than fear. Limitations, clinical implications, and further directions of research are discussed.

This research focuses on documenting the efforts of the Waponahki people to design and pass legislated policy that effectively addresses racism and the process of colonization in school curriculum. The Waponahki, Indigenous to Maine and the Maritime Provinces, set precedent in both Canada and the United States during the late 1990s for the development of progressive educational policy that was implemented as legislated policy; two public laws and one state rule. Research on these policies, including the processes of their development, is significant because it provides an educational and social justice policy-making model. This work also contributes to the emerging discourse on Indigenous Research Methodologies as critical to the transformation of policy development theory and practice amongst Indigenous peoples. In Alberta, Canada, the Aboriginal student population is the fastest growing of any other race/ethnicity in the province (Alberta Learning Commission, 2005). However, Aboriginal students have the highest drop-out rates, and are least likely of any group to complete university (Frideres, 2005 & Statistics Canada, 2001). Experiences of racism in schools continue and are cited as a leading reason for Aboriginal student attrition, and the implementation of policy and practice that values Aboriginal worldviews is key to Aboriginal student success in school systems (Hampton & St. Denis 2004, Wotherspoon & Schissel, 2003). This research documents and analyzes the development of such policy from the lens of an Indigenous Waponahki researcher. The project is also unique because it specifically articulates a Waponahki epistemology and ontology as its foundational research methodology. Guided by the essence, practice, and principles of Waponahki basket weaving and creation story, the project examines two key pieces of legislation (public law) and one state rule that address racism and support language revitalization: in 2000, Maine Public Law Chapter 27, Title 1 MRSA 1102, more widely known as the Squaw Law; in 2001,Maine Public Law, Chapter 403, Title 20-A MRSA 4706, known as the Wabanaki Studies Law; and in 2005, the Native Language Endorsement Rule, Maine Department of Education, 05 071 CMR 115 Part II section 1.17, a state rule authorized by the state legislature. The study employs data collection methods that examine published documents, texts and individual interviews related to the three examples of legislated policy. Discussions address not only the challenges and opportunities of designing and implementation, but also speak to how these legislated policies function in practice as policies that work toward Waponahki survival and beyond. By discussing the development of these three specific examples as policies that evolved from the knowledge, traditions and colonial experiences of Waponahki people, this research describes and analyses how Waponahki ways of knowing (epistemology) and ways of being (ontology) inform policy-making processes in Maine. / Indigenous Peoples Education

This thesis analyzes attitudes about race in Brazil in three research sites conducted in 2008 and 2009. The first research site was Salvador, Bahia where I asked a total of twelve students and professors their opinions about the importance of discussing race relations in Brazil and their views on Affirmative Action. These participants were mostly white middle-class students and professors. The second site was in the periferia of Zona Sul in the neighborhood of Capelinha, São Paulo. I interviewed four residents about the importance of race in Brazil. Here, the residents were mostly non-white, from various states in the north and northeast, and were working class. The last research site was Cooperifa, which is a spoken word movement located near Capelinha in Zona Sul. I found that non-white periferia residents subscribed to the same racial attitudes as the middle-class white participants when discussing the importance of race as a social phenomenon. In turn, I found that Cooperifa participants perceived white privilege as a social phenomenon that needs to be challenged. This thesis examines the links across these three sites and draws from theories of whiteness to understand them. / text

Britain enjoys a rich historical tradition of popular protest and collective action. Due to their public and publicized nature, sporting events have been recognized increasingly as venues in which broader cultural and political meanings are enacted and debated in the postwar period. This project examines how social anxieties about immigration, unemployment, and government repression were represented and contested through violence and eventually racist aggression at football matches. From 1968 to the mid-1970s, violence among fans and with police became expected on a weekly basis within and outside British football stadiums as new forms of spectator allegiance and sports consumption emerged. British football became a contested cultural and institutional site of racisms, violence, masculinities, and national mythologies. Rather than examining football per se, the principal aim of this project is to investigate how this distinct cultural milieu became a site for the British government to enact violence against working-class citizens by manipulating moral anxieties, physical environments, police tactics, and legal prosecution. Whereas many British sociologists have focused on the motivation of crowd behavior and the group dynamics among supporter gangs, this paper looks at the response of the state, local police authorities, and the Home Office and Department of Environment. Politicians concerned with British sport helped to create oppositional, aggressive and disciplinary environments that promoted mutually reciprocating violent environments. Beginning in the late 1970s, spectators not only participated in violence, but also racial abuse, in stadium environments. Several fans protested the emergence of successful black footballers, who came to represent conflicts about immigration, job and housing competition, and race riots in postwar Britain. The environment became a cultural location that several groups recognized as a platform for the contestation and manipulation of racial and class conflict: it garnered activism from the neo-fascist National Front, spawned several anti-racist organizations, captured the attention of the Home Office responsible for public order, and garnered extensive national press coverage. Consequently, the football environment not only mirrored social and political hostilities, but produced them as well.