“The most dangerous form of ‘white supremacy’ is not the obvious and extreme fascistic posturing of small neo-nazi groups, but rather the taken for granted routine privileging of white interests that goes unremarked in the political mainstream” (Gilbourn, 2005, p.485). This genealogical (Foucault, 1979; 1990) research study interrogates the political nature of universities and their role in the maintenance of racial oppression. Using Queen’s University, Ontario, Canada as a case study, it analyzes and explores the racist historical underpinnings of the institution and the response of the university to incidents of racial discrimination in the early 1990’s— particularly the creation of the 1989 Principals Advisory Committee (PAC) on Race Relations. This work documents and examines the institutional, political, and ideological obstacles in implementing this comprehensive, university-wide anti-racism policy. This research reveals and traces the discourses of racism at Queen’s University. It analyzes how the histories, ideologies, and institutional policy responses toward racism have produced and perpetuated processes that function to control and oppress racialized minorities. The study begins with a chronological analysis of racism at the university and identifies and examines the discursive strategies and techniques that are employed to sustain racist practices. The study concludes with an analysis of qualitative interviews with original members of 1989 Principal’s Advisory Committee on Race Relations who drafted the 1991 Race Relations Report, and captures their reflections on the institutional challenges and obstacles in implementing this monumental anti-racism policy at Queen’s University. / Thesis (Master, Education) -- Queen's University, 2011-01-23 23:51:55.526

This project examines the work of four elementary music educators who strive to challenge the dominant paradigm of music education. I employed the methodology of a multiple case study (Merriam, 1998; Yin, 2009) to consider the discourses, practices, and philosophies of these four educators. I observed in each school for an eight-week period for two full days each week, conducting semi-structured interviews at the beginning, middle, and end of each observation process. At each school, I followed an observation protocol, in addition to completing three interviews, and keeping a journal. In this work, I mobilize a tri-faceted lens that combines the theoretical frameworks of anti-colonialism, anti-racism, and anti-racist feminism toward counterhegemonic goals. The teachers' diverse practices include critically engaging with issues of social justice, studying a broad range of musics, introducing multiple musical epistemologies, creating space for students to own the means of cultural production, contextualizing musics, considering differential privilege, and subverting hegemonic practices. In many ways, these four individuals interrupt the traditional Eurocentric focus on Western classical music to explore different possibilities with their students. However, within this work to subvert, there were moments in each classroom where the dominant paradigm was reinscribed. These subversions and reinscriptions are instructive to music education and carry broader implications for the discipline. Ultimately, this thesis argues that a truly radical music education involves shifting from a liberal to a critical paradigm. Many values and strategies traditionally found in liberal education can be reread radically, and doing so puts forward tenets of a radical music education. Within these four classrooms, there were myriad examples of this shift from a liberal to a critical orientation. However, this work also raises questions of positionality and asks explicitly which bodies are able to do radical anti-oppressive work in music education, acknowledging that it is possible to unintentionally reinscribe dominant power relations while working to subvert them.

This project examines the work of four elementary music educators who strive to challenge the dominant paradigm of music education. I employed the methodology of a multiple case study (Merriam, 1998; Yin, 2009) to consider the discourses, practices, and philosophies of these four educators. I observed in each school for an eight-week period for two full days each week, conducting semi-structured interviews at the beginning, middle, and end of each observation process. At each school, I followed an observation protocol, in addition to completing three interviews, and keeping a journal. In this work, I mobilize a tri-faceted lens that combines the theoretical frameworks of anti-colonialism, anti-racism, and anti-racist feminism toward counterhegemonic goals. The teachers' diverse practices include critically engaging with issues of social justice, studying a broad range of musics, introducing multiple musical epistemologies, creating space for students to own the means of cultural production, contextualizing musics, considering differential privilege, and subverting hegemonic practices. In many ways, these four individuals interrupt the traditional Eurocentric focus on Western classical music to explore different possibilities with their students. However, within this work to subvert, there were moments in each classroom where the dominant paradigm was reinscribed. These subversions and reinscriptions are instructive to music education and carry broader implications for the discipline. Ultimately, this thesis argues that a truly radical music education involves shifting from a liberal to a critical paradigm. Many values and strategies traditionally found in liberal education can be reread radically, and doing so puts forward tenets of a radical music education. Within these four classrooms, there were myriad examples of this shift from a liberal to a critical orientation. However, this work also raises questions of positionality and asks explicitly which bodies are able to do radical anti-oppressive work in music education, acknowledging that it is possible to unintentionally reinscribe dominant power relations while working to subvert them.

Women’s Studies students’ accounts of their experiences academically, emotionally and politically in feminist university classrooms will be investigated in this thesis. Central to my work, through an anti-racist feminist and intersectional analysis, is to demonstrate the ways in which Women’s Studies university classroom spaces are neither ‘innocent’ nor are they devoid of racism/white supremacy as it is present in the bodies who are allowed to enter the space, voices allowed to speak and knowledge being taught. As this research is informed by a personal experience in an undergraduate Women and Gender Studies course at a local university, I will use both auto-ethnography and interviews as method in and through anti-racist feminist research methodology. Highlighting the importance of anti-racism education as a call to action in attending to this disjuncture and also to erode superficial notions of sisterhood will demonstrate white feminist supremacy as an implication for the sociology of race.

Women’s Studies students’ accounts of their experiences academically, emotionally and politically in feminist university classrooms will be investigated in this thesis. Central to my work, through an anti-racist feminist and intersectional analysis, is to demonstrate the ways in which Women’s Studies university classroom spaces are neither ‘innocent’ nor are they devoid of racism/white supremacy as it is present in the bodies who are allowed to enter the space, voices allowed to speak and knowledge being taught. As this research is informed by a personal experience in an undergraduate Women and Gender Studies course at a local university, I will use both auto-ethnography and interviews as method in and through anti-racist feminist research methodology. Highlighting the importance of anti-racism education as a call to action in attending to this disjuncture and also to erode superficial notions of sisterhood will demonstrate white feminist supremacy as an implication for the sociology of race.

This thesis is a transdisciplinary study aimed at exploring the role of race, racism and stress as determinants of health for indigenous populations and other oppressedethnoracial groups. Commencing with an analysis of continuing racialisation in health research, it is shown that there is no consistent evidence that oppressed ethnoracial groups, who suffer disproportionately from type 2 diabetes, are especially genetically susceptible to this disease. Continued attribution of ethnoracial differences in health to genetics highlights the need to be attentive to both environmental and genetic risk factors operating within and between ethnoracial groups. This exploration of racialisation is followed by a theoretical examination of racism as a health risk factor. This includes a comprehensive definition of racism, a diagrammaticrepresentation of the aetiological relationship between racism and health and an examination of the dimensions across which perceived racism can be operationalised.An empirical review of 138 quantitative population-based studies of self-reported racism as a determinant of health reveals that self-reported racism is related to ill-health(particularly mental health) for oppressed ethnoracial groups after adjustment for a range of confounders. This review also highlights a number of limitations in thisnascent field of research. This thesis then attempts to clarify the plethora of conceptual approaches used in thestudy of stress and health as a first step towards comprehending how stress interacts with both racism and health. A review of the empirical association between stress and chronic disease for fourth world indigenous populations and African Americans was also conducted. This review, which located 65 studies, found that a range of chronic diseases (especially chronic mental conditions) were associated with psychosocial stress. Utilising the conceptual work on operationalising racism discussed above, an instrument was developed to measure racism and its correlates as experienced by Indigenous Australians. This instrument demonstrated good face, content, psychometric andconvergent validity in a pilot study involving 312 Indigenous Australians. The majority of participants in this study (70%) reported some experience of inter-personal racism, with this exposure most commonly reported in employment and public settings, from service providers and from other Indigenous people. Strong and consistent associations were found between racism and chronic stress as well as between racism and depression (CES-D), poor/fair self-assessed health status/poor general mental health (SF-12) and a marker of CVD risk (homocysteine), respectively. There was also evidence that the association between inter-personal racism and poor mental health outcomes was ediated by somatic and inner-directed disempowered reactions to racism as well as by chronic stress and a range of psychosocial characteristics. To conclude this thesis, an examination of approaches to addressing racism forIndigenous Australians is undertaken. The theoretical issues pertinent to the study of anti-racism are discussed along with empirical findings from social psychology oneffective approaches to anti-racism. Recommendations for implementing these approaches through institutional and legal policies are also presented. Strategies for engendering political will to combat racism in the current neo-liberal capitalist climate are also briefly considered.

Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 32-35).

Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 96-102).

Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-75).

In this thesis I study how geneticist and racebiologist Gunnar Dahlberg, through his own writings and participation in the UNESCO statements on ”race”, came to define the concepts of ”race” and ”science”. Dahlberg was a stark opponent of the ”Nazi race doctrine”. He was also in a unique position as head of the State Institute for Human Genetics and Race Biology, during the period here examined. Questions have recently been raised as to how to understand scientists like Dahlberg when he, as well as many other antiracists of his time, did not deny the existence of visible and scientifically provable ”races”. One conlusion I draw is that Dahlberg, nevertheless, in many ways sought to replace the ”race” concepts in his time, for the biological concept of ”isolates”. I also state, in accordance with what other historians of scientific racism has shown, especially when dealing with the UNESCO statements, that the furthering of biological notions was upheld by other scientific areas, such as anthropology. The case was also vice versa, making ”race” at its core biological, but to its exterior a question of social environment. Relying on Thomas F. Gieryns theories of Boundary-work, I want to further our knowledge of how this was made possible. The aim is to show how Dahlberg, rethorically, drew boundaries for the ”scientific truth” about ”race”. I also intend to shed some light on how these contests for authority where percieved and related to by others. In this respect, one conclusion is that concepts of ”modernity”, and different uses of history where employed as demarcations. I will also show how, in dealing with the criticism of the statements, UNESCO produced a pluralist concept of science. Withall, this is a history that raises important questions about science, politics, and the work – consensuses and contests – that foregoes the categories later used to describe and, or, divide human beings.