Background: Critical race theorist, Eduardo Bonilla-Silva (2014), states that the racial climate in the United States has shifted away from the more overt forms of racism towards a race-neutral and (Bobo, 2011; Lentin, 2011; Plaut, 2010; Smith et al., 2011) color blind ideology (Alexander, 2012; Emerson & Smith, 2000; Omi & Winant, 2014; Smith et al., 2011; Wise, 2010). According to Gushue and Constantine (2007), “The conscious or unconscious minimization, denial, or distortion of race and racism is known as color blindness” (Neville et al., 2000; Neville et al., 2001). This erroneous perspective is detrimental (Atwater, 2008) to the organizational structure of the United States (Emerson & Smith, 2000), especially the Christian [church] (Bonilla-Silva, 2002; Yancey, 2010). In the state of Mississippi, approximately 170,000 (UMData, 2017) Black and White individuals identify as United Methodist. This racial composition is unique to Mississippi because Blacks make up a large proportion of the population (Census, 2010). However, little to no research has been conducted to examine the colorblind racial attitudes of adults in The United Methodist Church (UMC) or to evaluate current anti-racism programs in Mississippi’s UMC. According to The UMC’s official website, no formalized evidence-based program exist that both teaches and trains its members to be engaged in racial justice. Therefore, the development of an intervention that investigates color-blind racial ideology (Neville, et al., 2013) from a critical race theory framework is needed. Program Description: Counter Narrative is a faith-based program, set to be implemented spring of 2018 in The UMC. The program challenges three notions: racism is no longer a problem, Christians should be colorblind, and that the church is silent about racial injustices. It has three components: Revising the Narrative (anti-racism workshops), Rewriting the Narrative (cross-racial training program), and R2 (race relations task force). Aim: Engage adults in constructive dialogue around race Explore and examine participants personal attitudes, behaviors, and language towards race colorblindness Educate participants about the historical context of racism and racial equity in America and The UMC Equip participants with the resources and skills to build authentic cross-racial relationships and to become racial justice advocates Methodology: Revising the Narrative—6 anti-racism workshops will be held in one year, for approximately eight hours each. Each session will be co-facilitated by individuals trained in anti-racism and will include a worship service, an overview of the social principles, history of the church’s commitment to eradicate racism, content knowledge, and processing exercises. Evaluation: Pretest/posttest survey will be administered with multiple follow-ups. Rewriting the Narrative—31 sessions (Training, Social Events, Service Learning, and Diversity Workshop) will take place over one year. Evaluation: Pretest/posttest survey will be administered and focus groups will be conducted. R2—12 meetings will be held, once a month for two hours. Also, participants will receive at least 14 hours of anti-racism training. Evaluation: Pretest/posttest survey will be administered and in-depth interviews will be conducted at the end of the year. Long-Term Objective: Reduce racial colorblindness and racial tension between Black and White Christians.

<p>The field of education in the United States is dominated by white educators, many of whom discuss race with their students. Often, white teachers do not know how to discuss race and may shy away from such discussions due to their insecurity with the topic of race. I realized my own ineptitude with racial discussion, and I wanted to find a way to scaffold racial discussions in classrooms, especially classrooms that were mostly white where teachers and students alike may tend to evade the whole discussion of race. I believe that Second Wave Whiteness (SWW) offers a robust theoretical framework to help white teachers discuss race with their white students. Other studies have investigated how white teachers talk about race, but there are few studies that investigate this in the context of a classroom with mostly white students and even fewer that have investigated the efficacy of SWW in practice in this context by directly measuring students’ progress. I conducted a study in which I observed a mostly white class of high school seniors taking an African American literature course that was taught by a white teacher. The teacher and some elements of the study design were influenced by SWW. Throughout the study, I collected and measured students’ responses to journal prompts, discussions, and surveys. Through a quantitative and qualitative analysis, I found that students’ comfort when talking about race increased, students’ change was associated with their beliefs at the beginning of the study, and that students’ politics predicted their engagement. My findings add to a broader body of work that suggests that SWW has a place in practical classroom application and that it may help students and teachers to develop down the path of anti-racism. This study further implies that SWW may have a place in de-radicalization techniques for white students who are resistant to ideas of anti-racism.</p>

<p>Objektet för min studie är Pow-Wow, en grupp som arbetar mot rasism och mobbning på en svensk grundskola. Syftet med uppsatsen är att genom en kvalitativ undersökning titta närmare på hur Pow-Wow, har startats, genomförts och utvecklats. Utgångspunkten är att liknande grupper som arbetar mot rasism är sällsynta i svenska skolor. Därför är det speciellt intressant att titta närmare på hur det kommer sig att Pow-Wow startades på skolan och varför verksamheten har kunnat överleva så länge. </p><p>För att kunna besvara dessa frågor har jag intervjuat skolans nuvarande rektor, skolans före detta rektor, de två lärare som arbetar med Pow-Wow och en elev som var med under Pow-Wows första år. Vid analysen av intervjuerna har jag använt mig av ett mikropolitiskt perspektiv som ser på skolan som en organisation där maktkamp och konflikter mellan olika grupper och individer ständigt pågår. </p><p>De två faktorer som i störst utsträckning påverkar Pow-Wow är dels Kajsa och Bengt, de två eldsjälarna som driver verksamheten och dels att Pow-Wow, medvetet eller omedvetet, undviker att försöka förändra skolan och därigenom undviker att hamna i konflikter.</p>

Objektet för min studie är Pow-Wow, en grupp som arbetar mot rasism och mobbning på en svensk grundskola. Syftet med uppsatsen är att genom en kvalitativ undersökning titta närmare på hur Pow-Wow, har startats, genomförts och utvecklats. Utgångspunkten är att liknande grupper som arbetar mot rasism är sällsynta i svenska skolor. Därför är det speciellt intressant att titta närmare på hur det kommer sig att Pow-Wow startades på skolan och varför verksamheten har kunnat överleva så länge. För att kunna besvara dessa frågor har jag intervjuat skolans nuvarande rektor, skolans före detta rektor, de två lärare som arbetar med Pow-Wow och en elev som var med under Pow-Wows första år. Vid analysen av intervjuerna har jag använt mig av ett mikropolitiskt perspektiv som ser på skolan som en organisation där maktkamp och konflikter mellan olika grupper och individer ständigt pågår. De två faktorer som i störst utsträckning påverkar Pow-Wow är dels Kajsa och Bengt, de två eldsjälarna som driver verksamheten och dels att Pow-Wow, medvetet eller omedvetet, undviker att försöka förändra skolan och därigenom undviker att hamna i konflikter.

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This study provides guidelines for teacher training to promote the constitutional values in schools. The purpose is not to question the constitutional values or develop a new set of values. For a meaningful analysis within the limitations of a Master's dissertation, the study focuses on the General Education and Training Band (Grades Reception to Nine). Compared to foreign countries, open debate regarding values in education is relatively new in South Africa. Values are usually abstract but sometimes also physical entities to which human beings attach worth. They are common in individuals or groups through physical exposure and genetic make-up. Teaching inevitably instils values in learners. Schools often adopt a values system, which should not be imposed upon any individual learner. Values, and in particular moral values, should be taught in schools because they influence attitudes, priorities, principles, norms, standards, morals and ethics, which in turn influence decision-making, learner performance and behaviour, which affect the future of learners. In the Manifesto on values, education and democracy, the National Department of Education promotes ten constitutional values - democracy, social justice and equity, equality, non-racism and non-sexism, ubuntu (human dignity), an open society, accountability (responsibility), the rule of law, respect and reconciliation - for teaching in South African schools. The ten constitutional values are not imposed but are intended to help learners develop into good citizens in line with the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1996). The ten constitutional values should not be the only values taught in schools, as there are many other values that form an inherent part of education. At South African universities, values are included in teacher-training programmes in different forms and to varying degrees. The Higher Education HIV/Aids Programme, Revised National Curriculum Statement training, Advanced Certificate in Education and the normal curricula for pre-service teacher training are implemented at the different universities investigated. The ten constitutional and other values are integrated into all the learning areas of the Revised National Curriculum Statement. They should also therefore be integrated into teacher-training programmes. Programmes narrowly focused on the ten constitutional values should not be discouraged, as they strengthen the teaching of values in general. Values should be contextualised and purposefully infused in all teacher-training curricula. The dissertation concludes with the guidelines for the training of teachers to promote the ten constitutional values. The guidelines consider the sixteen strategies for the teaching of the ten constitutional values as outlined in the Manifesto on values, education and democracy. communication, role-modelling, literacy, human rights, arts and culture, history, religion, multilingualism, school sport, equality, anti-racism, anti-sexism, HIV/Aids, school safety, the environment and respect for diversity. The purpose of these guidelines is to guide teachers regarding which values to teach; they are thus not intended to be prescriptions on how to teach them. / Thesis (M.Ed.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

This study provides guidelines for teacher training to promote the constitutional values in schools. The purpose is not to question the constitutional values or develop a new set of values. For a meaningful analysis within the limitations of a Master's dissertation, the study focuses on the General Education and Training Band (Grades Reception to Nine). Compared to foreign countries, open debate regarding values in education is relatively new in South Africa. Values are usually abstract but sometimes also physical entities to which human beings attach worth. They are common in individuals or groups through physical exposure and genetic make-up. Teaching inevitably instils values in learners. Schools often adopt a values system, which should not be imposed upon any individual learner. Values, and in particular moral values, should be taught in schools because they influence attitudes, priorities, principles, norms, standards, morals and ethics, which in turn influence decision-making, learner performance and behaviour, which affect the future of learners. In the Manifesto on values, education and democracy, the National Department of Education promotes ten constitutional values - democracy, social justice and equity, equality, non-racism and non-sexism, ubuntu (human dignity), an open society, accountability (responsibility), the rule of law, respect and reconciliation - for teaching in South African schools. The ten constitutional values are not imposed but are intended to help learners develop into good citizens in line with the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1996). The ten constitutional values should not be the only values taught in schools, as there are many other values that form an inherent part of education. At South African universities, values are included in teacher-training programmes in different forms and to varying degrees. The Higher Education HIV/Aids Programme, Revised National Curriculum Statement training, Advanced Certificate in Education and the normal curricula for pre-service teacher training are implemented at the different universities investigated. The ten constitutional and other values are integrated into all the learning areas of the Revised National Curriculum Statement. They should also therefore be integrated into teacher-training programmes. Programmes narrowly focused on the ten constitutional values should not be discouraged, as they strengthen the teaching of values in general. Values should be contextualised and purposefully infused in all teacher-training curricula. The dissertation concludes with the guidelines for the training of teachers to promote the ten constitutional values. The guidelines consider the sixteen strategies for the teaching of the ten constitutional values as outlined in the Manifesto on values, education and democracy. communication, role-modelling, literacy, human rights, arts and culture, history, religion, multilingualism, school sport, equality, anti-racism, anti-sexism, HIV/Aids, school safety, the environment and respect for diversity. The purpose of these guidelines is to guide teachers regarding which values to teach; they are thus not intended to be prescriptions on how to teach them. / Thesis (M.Ed.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

This work brings an anti-colonial reading to the production and maintenance of racial logic in Cuban schooling, through conversations with, and surveys of Cuban teachers, as well as through analysis of secondary and primary documents. The study undertaken seeks to contribute to the limited existent research on race relations in Cuba, with a research focus on the Cuban educational context. Teasing and staking out a middle ground between the blinding and often hollow pro-Cuba fanaticism and the deafening anti -Cuban rhetoric from the left and right respectively, this project seeks a more nuanced, complete and dialogical understanding of race and race relations in Cuba, with a specific focus on the educational context. With this in mind, the learning objectives of this study are to investigate the following: 1) What role does racism play in Cuba currently and historically? 2) What is the role of education in the life of race and racism on the island? 3) What new questions and insights emerge from the Cuban example that might be of use to integrated anti-racism, anti-colonialism and class-oriented scholarship and activism? On a more specific level, the guiding research objectives of the study are to investigate the following: 1) How do teachers support and/or challenge dominant ideas of race and racism, and to what degree to do they construct their own meanings on these topics? 2) How do teachers understand the relevance of race and racism for teaching and learning? 3) How and why do teachers address race and racism in the classroom? The data reveal a complex process of meaning making by teachers who are at once produced by and producers of dominant race discourse on the island. Teachers are the front line race workers of the racial project, doing much of the heavy lifting in the ongoing struggle against racism, but are at the same time custodians of an approach to race relations which has on the whole failed to eliminate racism. This work investigates and explicates this apparent contradiction inherent in teachers’ work and discourse on the island, revealing a flawed and complex form of Cuban anti-racism.

This project entails a critical examination of the race/culture divide in human services from the vantage point of middle women non-professional grassroots advocates who emerged in the 1990s to address inequities that minoritized immigrants experience with main stream human services in Canada. The race/culture divide denotes critical race theorists' critique of a focus on cultural difference that obscures racism. Shaped by critical race theory and critical research methods, and drawing on interviews and participant observation involving 25 middle women, my findings reveal that the middle women's articulations of barriers and gaps as systemic inequities are at odds with main stream services' tendencies to focus on cultural challenges. This tension results in the discursive production of a cultural niche, a gendered space of exploitation of a culturally defined Middle Woman, who is thus rendered perpetually immigrant. The study illuminates how the Middle Woman navigates a complex and perilous tension between jeopardizing relationships with main stream organizations and simultaneously resisting what she experiences as disrespectful, unacceptable, unethical and overtly racist interfaces with human services. Although the middle women recounted numerous, visceral and detailed culturalist-racist interfaces in systemically racialized human service systems, they were equivocal about naming racism until I raised it directly. They gave meaning to "in Canada" experiences through their particular pre-migration realities in a process of continuous comparison between "back home" and "here," positioning them differentially in relation to Canada, and therefore also to the possibility of naming racism in Canada. The middle women engage in a continuous process of discerning racism, always weighing it against other explanations for inequitable treatment. The project thus draws attention to the toll that navigating the race/culture divide takes in embodying the sensed and draining the spirit. It draws attention to the process through which I, as a white researcher, came to see the workings of our racialized society. My research contributes to the literature on the race/culture divide and whiteness studies, and has implications for research on racism, dialogue about cultural competence and anti-racist practice, and conceptualizing settlement and responsive human services.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:39:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3360.pdf: 770733 bytes, checksum: 67f7d054bbe46d94c3da6a82e41872dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-07 / The presente work has a objective the a analysis by the memory and telling of personal and professional experiences of discriminations and racism lived by eight black teachers, for through them to understand the position accepted by the same teachers up against the racial question, or in the school circle or out of it. It also analizes how the discriminatitory experiences contribute in bigger or smaller grade for these teachers build anti-racism strategies or educations with the object to finish with the racial discrimination and prejudice. The position of the teachers varied between a combative position of fight, silence, refuse, face in the personal circle till the build of strategies, even if in the individual fighter field of discrimination. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo a análise, por meio da memória e narrativa das experiências pessoais e profissionais de discriminação e racismo vividos por sete professoras e um professor negro, para através delas entender o posicionamento assumido pelos mesmos diante da questão racial, seja no ambiente escolar ou fora dele. Analisa-se também de que maneira as experiências discriminatórias contribuem em maior ou menor grau para que esses professores construam estratégias ou pedagogias anti-racistas com o objetivo de acabar com a discriminação e o preconceito racial. O posicionamento das professoras e do professor oscilou entre uma postura combativa de luta, de silenciamento, de negação, de enfrentamento na esfera pessoal até a construção de estratégias, mesmo que no campo individual de combate a discriminação.