This Masters thesis conducts an ideological critique of the way 'the global' is constructed conceptually, particularly by transformative politics and the anti/alter global left. In addition it attempts to foreground the importance of ontological inquiry as an essential component of effective ideological critique. It has four chapters(plus an intro and conclusion); The first chapter looks at the ways that globality is currently constructed conceptually, both as an object of study by academia, and as an object of intervention by the global left. The analysis and critique in this chapter will establish the need for an ontologically informed approach to globality. The second chapter explores the precise meaning of the term 'ontology' as well as some of its common misuses by social science. It will focus on examining the ways that ontology is inherently political, and can be infiltrated by ideology. The third chapter draws heavily from the work of Zizek to develop a theoretical model for understanding the ontological production of globality, and how ideology is implicated. The fourth chapter attempts to take the conclusions from the theoretical model and use them to suggest alternative approaches to globality which might better the prospects for an effective transformative `global` politics. In particular this chapter draws heavily upon the Deleuzean notion of Immanence.

This Masters thesis conducts an ideological critique of the way 'the global' is constructed conceptually, particularly by transformative politics and the anti/alter global left. In addition it attempts to foreground the importance of ontological inquiry as an essential component of effective ideological critique. It has four chapters(plus an intro and conclusion); The first chapter looks at the ways that globality is currently constructed conceptually, both as an object of study by academia, and as an object of intervention by the global left. The analysis and critique in this chapter will establish the need for an ontologically informed approach to globality. The second chapter explores the precise meaning of the term 'ontology' as well as some of its common misuses by social science. It will focus on examining the ways that ontology is inherently political, and can be infiltrated by ideology. The third chapter draws heavily from the work of Zizek to develop a theoretical model for understanding the ontological production of globality, and how ideology is implicated. The fourth chapter attempts to take the conclusions from the theoretical model and use them to suggest alternative approaches to globality which might better the prospects for an effective transformative `global` politics. In particular this chapter draws heavily upon the Deleuzean notion of Immanence.

This Masters thesis conducts an ideological critique of the way 'the global' is constructed conceptually, particularly by transformative politics and the anti/alter global left. In addition it attempts to foreground the importance of ontological inquiry as an essential component of effective ideological critique. It has four chapters(plus an intro and conclusion); The first chapter looks at the ways that globality is currently constructed conceptually, both as an object of study by academia, and as an object of intervention by the global left. The analysis and critique in this chapter will establish the need for an ontologically informed approach to globality. The second chapter explores the precise meaning of the term 'ontology' as well as some of its common misuses by social science. It will focus on examining the ways that ontology is inherently political, and can be infiltrated by ideology. The third chapter draws heavily from the work of Zizek to develop a theoretical model for understanding the ontological production of globality, and how ideology is implicated. The fourth chapter attempts to take the conclusions from the theoretical model and use them to suggest alternative approaches to globality which might better the prospects for an effective transformative `global` politics. In particular this chapter draws heavily upon the Deleuzean notion of Immanence.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2001. Graduate Programme in Social and Political Thought. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 327-341). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ82827.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Stanford University, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-112).

This Masters thesis conducts an ideological critique of the way 'the global' is constructed conceptually, particularly by transformative politics and the anti/alter global left. In addition it attempts to foreground the importance of ontological inquiry as an essential component of effective ideological critique. It has four chapters(plus an intro and conclusion); The first chapter looks at the ways that globality is currently constructed conceptually, both as an object of study by academia, and as an object of intervention by the global left. The analysis and critique in this chapter will establish the need for an ontologically informed approach to globality. The second chapter explores the precise meaning of the term 'ontology' as well as some of its common misuses by social science. It will focus on examining the ways that ontology is inherently political, and can be infiltrated by ideology. The third chapter draws heavily from the work of Zizek to develop a theoretical model for understanding the ontological production of globality, and how ideology is implicated. The fourth chapter attempts to take the conclusions from the theoretical model and use them to suggest alternative approaches to globality which might better the prospects for an effective transformative `global` politics. In particular this chapter draws heavily upon the Deleuzean notion of Immanence.

This thesis analyses the relationship between the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the alter-globalization movement through the theoretical framework of Robert W. Cox. A Coxian perspective highlights that the WTO is a central international organization of the current nebuleuse, and one integral to enforcing, promoting and defending transnational corporate hegemony. The emergence of the protest movement inaccurately labelled the ‘anti-globalization movement’ can be described as a Coxian counter-hegemonic structure. From the plethora of protesters making up this ‘anti-globalization movement’ who dispute the legitimacy of the WTO, a distinct alter-globalization movement can be identified. It prescribes the alternative principles of public accountability, the rights of people and the protection of the environment as guides to reforming the WTO towards a Coxian ‘new multilateralism’. This thesis asks: to what extent has this alter-globalisation movement succeeded in altering the policies and processes of the WTO in accordance with these principles? In Coxian terms the questions of how far the campaign for ‘new multilateralism’ has successfully altered the hegemony of the current world order and avoided trasformismo are asserted. After illustrating corporate structural power within the WTO’s policies and procedures, the alter-globalisation movement is defined as an entity of overlapping social movements and Non-Governmental Organizations (Alter-NGOs). The thesis identifies and evaluates three strategies employed by the alter-globalisation movement to place its values at the heart of the WTO: demonstrations on the street; assisting developing states during negotiations; and submitting amicus briefs to the WTO’s Dispute Settlement Body (DSB). The obstacles presented by the WTO’s policy of trasformismo are then detailed, namely: political elites coopting the alter-globalization movement’s principles into their own rhetoric; the cooption of NGOs by political elites from the developing world, and the cooption of NGOs and the fierce rejection of any NGO influence within the WTO. In its conclusions the thesis details the manner in which trasformismo is a significant tool in the armoury of corporate hegemony for resisting reform, and thereby informs existing literature on the problems faced by all social movements and NGOs engaging with reforming the world order.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Leonardo Ramos Andreotti.pdf: 882175 bytes, checksum: 2536e6aba9b1f4cfd0c7146ac3e550c1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The anti-globalization movements rose out from the political scenario around the 90 s as a way of resistance to the neoliberalism and globalization. Recognizing the Zapatista Army of National Liberation as the original inspiration, the People s Global Action (PGA) is established in 1988 for the purpose of being a global union of resistance against the global market and subsequently against the capitalism. Its majors manifestations were the Global Action Days, coordinated direct actions occurring at many locations through the planet with the intent of stop the international capitalism managers meeting, opposing to capitalism and its institutions. Among the most known are Seattle (1999) and Genoa (2001). These movements of resistance were organized by affinity groups, direct actions self managed performed. One part of the movement, searching for legitimacy, establishes a dissociation between violent direct action and non-violent, the first, illegitimate and illegal, the second, working as a mean to reach a particular revendication. From this splitting, these movements are captured in an attempt of unification with the World Social Forum, that intends to elaborate concrete projects for an alternative globalization. Its foundation is the organization of civil society towards citizen regulation of the capital, attempting political leading actions aiming to deepening citizenship and democratical participation. These leading actions were amplified and developed in the magazine Global Brasil, out from the World Social Forum. These resistances have in common a new proposal of organization: no more the hierarchy of the party, but the horizontality of the network, that allows multiple connections with plenty movements. This new organization model permits some marxits, specially Antonio Negri, perceive this new organization and resistance type in the concept of multitude, that provides an actualization of the proletariat concept and the accomplishment of a new protagonist to the class struggles engaged through history. This research achieves a cartography of these resistances, the trace of the lines molecular, molar and the line of flight that rises out from the antiglobalization movements and apprehended through the concept of multitude. By the study of these lines it was possible to settle a characterization of the resistence of the multitude as inclined to captures, encoding and overcoding, different from the resistances that work by uncoding, becomings, inventions of spaces of liberty / Os movimentos antiglobalização emergem no cenário político em meados dos anos 90 como formas de resistências ao neoliberalismo e à globalização. Reconhecendo como inspiração original o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional, a Ação Global dos Povos (AGP) é fundada em 1998, propondo ser uma coordenação mundial de resistências contra o mercado mundial, e posteriormente contra o capitalismo. Suas principais manifestações foram os Dias de Ação Global, ações diretas coordenadas ocorrendo em diversos locais do planeta com o objetivo de impedir o encontro dos gestores do capitalismo internacional, opondo-se ao capitalismo e a estas instituições. Entre as mais conhecidas estão Seattle (1999) e Gênova (2001). Essas resistências moleculares eram organizadas por grupos de afinidade, praticantes de ações diretas e de forma autogestionária. Uma parte do movimento, em busca de legitimidade, instaura uma separação entre ação direta violenta e não-violenta, a primeira, ilegítima e ilegal, a segunda, funcionando como meio para se conseguir uma determinada reivindicação. A partir dessa cisão, esses movimentos são capturados em uma iniciativa de unificação e molarização com o Fórum Social Mundial, que se propõe a elaborar propostas concretas para uma globalização alternativa, cuja base é organização da sociedade civil voltada para a regulação cidadã do capital, com tentativas de iniciativas políticas que investem no aprofundamento da cidadania e na participação democrática. Estas iniciativas foram ampliadas e desenvolvidas na revista Global Brasil, saída dos Fóruns Sociais Mundiais. As resistências daí decorrentes apresentam em comum uma nova proposta de organização: não mais a hierarquia do Partido, mas a horizontalidade da rede, que permite múltiplas conexões com diversos movimentos. Esse novo paradigma de organização permitiu que alguns marxistas, notoriamente Antonio Negri, apreendessem esse novo tipo de organização e resistência no conceito de multidão, que se pretende uma atualização do conceito de proletariado e realização de um novo protagonista para as lutas de classe travadas no decorrer da História. A presente pesquisa realiza uma cartografia das resistências, o traçado das linhas molecular, molar, e de fuga que emergem a partir dos movimentos antiglobalização e apreendidas sob o conceito de multidão. Com o estudo dessas linhas foi possível estabelecer uma caracterização da resistência multitudinária como propensa a capturas, codificações e sobrecodificações, distinta das resistências que operam por descodificações, devires, invenções de espaços de liberdade

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Leonardo Ramos Andreotti.pdf: 882175 bytes, checksum: 2536e6aba9b1f4cfd0c7146ac3e550c1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The anti-globalization movements rose out from the political scenario around the 90 s as a way of resistance to the neoliberalism and globalization. Recognizing the Zapatista Army of National Liberation as the original inspiration, the People s Global Action (PGA) is established in 1988 for the purpose of being a global union of resistance against the global market and subsequently against the capitalism. Its majors manifestations were the Global Action Days, coordinated direct actions occurring at many locations through the planet with the intent of stop the international capitalism managers meeting, opposing to capitalism and its institutions. Among the most known are Seattle (1999) and Genoa (2001). These movements of resistance were organized by affinity groups, direct actions self managed performed. One part of the movement, searching for legitimacy, establishes a dissociation between violent direct action and non-violent, the first, illegitimate and illegal, the second, working as a mean to reach a particular revendication. From this splitting, these movements are captured in an attempt of unification with the World Social Forum, that intends to elaborate concrete projects for an alternative globalization. Its foundation is the organization of civil society towards citizen regulation of the capital, attempting political leading actions aiming to deepening citizenship and democratical participation. These leading actions were amplified and developed in the magazine Global Brasil, out from the World Social Forum. These resistances have in common a new proposal of organization: no more the hierarchy of the party, but the horizontality of the network, that allows multiple connections with plenty movements. This new organization model permits some marxits, specially Antonio Negri, perceive this new organization and resistance type in the concept of multitude, that provides an actualization of the proletariat concept and the accomplishment of a new protagonist to the class struggles engaged through history. This research achieves a cartography of these resistances, the trace of the lines molecular, molar and the line of flight that rises out from the antiglobalization movements and apprehended through the concept of multitude. By the study of these lines it was possible to settle a characterization of the resistence of the multitude as inclined to captures, encoding and overcoding, different from the resistances that work by uncoding, becomings, inventions of spaces of liberty / Os movimentos antiglobalização emergem no cenário político em meados dos anos 90 como formas de resistências ao neoliberalismo e à globalização. Reconhecendo como inspiração original o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional, a Ação Global dos Povos (AGP) é fundada em 1998, propondo ser uma coordenação mundial de resistências contra o mercado mundial, e posteriormente contra o capitalismo. Suas principais manifestações foram os Dias de Ação Global, ações diretas coordenadas ocorrendo em diversos locais do planeta com o objetivo de impedir o encontro dos gestores do capitalismo internacional, opondo-se ao capitalismo e a estas instituições. Entre as mais conhecidas estão Seattle (1999) e Gênova (2001). Essas resistências moleculares eram organizadas por grupos de afinidade, praticantes de ações diretas e de forma autogestionária. Uma parte do movimento, em busca de legitimidade, instaura uma separação entre ação direta violenta e não-violenta, a primeira, ilegítima e ilegal, a segunda, funcionando como meio para se conseguir uma determinada reivindicação. A partir dessa cisão, esses movimentos são capturados em uma iniciativa de unificação e molarização com o Fórum Social Mundial, que se propõe a elaborar propostas concretas para uma globalização alternativa, cuja base é organização da sociedade civil voltada para a regulação cidadã do capital, com tentativas de iniciativas políticas que investem no aprofundamento da cidadania e na participação democrática. Estas iniciativas foram ampliadas e desenvolvidas na revista Global Brasil, saída dos Fóruns Sociais Mundiais. As resistências daí decorrentes apresentam em comum uma nova proposta de organização: não mais a hierarquia do Partido, mas a horizontalidade da rede, que permite múltiplas conexões com diversos movimentos. Esse novo paradigma de organização permitiu que alguns marxistas, notoriamente Antonio Negri, apreendessem esse novo tipo de organização e resistência no conceito de multidão, que se pretende uma atualização do conceito de proletariado e realização de um novo protagonista para as lutas de classe travadas no decorrer da História. A presente pesquisa realiza uma cartografia das resistências, o traçado das linhas molecular, molar, e de fuga que emergem a partir dos movimentos antiglobalização e apreendidas sob o conceito de multidão. Com o estudo dessas linhas foi possível estabelecer uma caracterização da resistência multitudinária como propensa a capturas, codificações e sobrecodificações, distinta das resistências que operam por descodificações, devires, invenções de espaços de liberdade