Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, June, 2002. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 168-181)

Thesis (M.A.)--York University, 2003. Graduate Programme in Geography. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 155-168). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url%5Fver=Z39.88-2004&res%5Fdat=xri:pqdiss&rft%5Fval%5Ffmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft%5Fdat=xri:pqdiss:MQ99340

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Political Science. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 406-423). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNR11572

Orientador: Armando Boito Junior / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T21:41:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ribeiro_SantianeArias_D.pdf: 1365652 bytes, checksum: ccf2f3d4ccde1488e20b63d5e258ad6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003 / Resumo: Ao longo da segunda metade dos anos 1990 surgiram em diversos países sedes dos encontros das organizações multilaterais, tais como a OMC, o FMI e o Banco Mundial, manifestações de oposição às políticas neoliberais, resultando no início de um novo movimento autodenominado altermundialista. Das marchas de protestos cada vez mais constantes nasceu o projeto do Fórum Social Mundial (2001). Considerado por seus entusiastas como o novo protagonista da esquerda do século XXI, esse movimento, não obstante proclame a necessidade de construção de um outro mundo, alega diferenciar-se na sua forma de ação, organização e projeto de transformação da chamada esquerda tradicional. É nesse sentido que o altermundialismo é apresentado por parte da literatura como um movimento plural e não hierárquico no qual encontrar-se-iam reunidos diferentes grupos sociais em nome de questões amplas e universais que transcenderiam os limites colocados pelos interesses de uma classe. A prova disso estaria sobretudo na diversidade de suas demandas que incluiriam, além de justiça social, a igualdade de gênero, a liberdade de orientação sexual, a preservação ambiental e a paz mundial. Ocorre que enquetes recentes sobre o perfil de seus militantes atestam reiteradamente a superepresentação de determinados setores das classes médias. Esta tese propõe-se a analisar o problema da transformação social trazido à tona pelo altermundialismo. Tendo por objeto de estudo a ATTAC (Associação pela Tributação das Transações Financeiras para o Apoio aos Cidadãos), uma das entidades mais atuantes do movimento, buscamos responder algumas questões que podem ser agrupadas em dois eixos intimamente relacionados: o primeiro, refere-se ao programa político da associação; à sua forma de organização e composição social; bem como às possíveis relações entre esses três elementos; o segundo refere-se à natureza desse outro mundo proposto e aos avanços e limites dessa proposição frente às mudanças advindas com o neoliberalismo / Abstract: Over the second half of the 1990s emerged in several countries Headquarters meetings of multilateral organizations such as the WTO, the IMF and the World Bank, expressions of opposition to neoliberal policies, resulting in the initiation of a new movement selfappointed alterglobalization. Demonstration protests increasingly constant gave rise to the project of the World Social Forum (2001). Considered by their enthusiasts as the protagonist of the new 21st century left, this movement, despite proclaiming the need to build another world, argues differentiate themselves in the form of action, project organization and transformation of traditional left. In this sense the alterglobalism is presented by part of the literature as a plural and non-hierarchic movement, in which it could be congregate different social groups on behalf of broad and universal issues that would transcend the limits placed by the interests of a class. Proof of this would be especially in diversity of their demands that would include, in addition to social justice, gender equality, freedom of sexual orientation, environmental preservation and world peace. Nevertheless, recent polls about the profile of the alterglobalists militants continually attest an over-representation of certain middle-class sectors. This thesis aims to analyze the problem of social transformation brought to light by altermundialism movement. Taking as object of study the ATTAC (Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and Aid to Citizens), one of the most actuating entities in the movement, we seek to answer some questions which could be grouped in two axes, both closely related. The first one, centered at ATTAC, makes reference to their: political program; way of organization; social composition; and to the possible relationship between these three elements. The second one makes reference: to the nature of that other world proposed by the movement; the advances and limits of this proposition in face of the changes arising from neoliberalism / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recent years, so-called "anti-globalisation" protesters have become an expected, though to many an unwelcome feature at almost all meetings of international institutions and at intergovernmental summits. The protesters are usually portrayed as senselessly violent anarchists, ridiculed in the media as eccentrics and outsiders, while academics have as yet paid them little or no attention. This study attempts to determine whether the predominantly negative perception of the protesters is justified, or whether there is some merit to their concerns. The vague umbrella term anti-globalisation protesters tends to disguise the fact that many different and diverse groups are involved in the protest. Elements of social movement studies are drawn upon to structure the analysis of a number of groups that are represented on occasions of protest. The analysis reveals that the protests are well-organised, active in international networks, and rely very much on the internet to co-ordinate their efforts. From the perspective of social movement studies, the anti-globalisation league represents an interesting new phenomenon. This is due to its simultaneous presence in a multitude of countries, as well as its non-state focus. Effectively, the movement transcends state boundaries and state structures. The changing face of international politics is at the root of the formation of the antiglobalisation movement. A perceived loss of sovereignty and increased international multilateral co-operation has reduced the effectiveness of domestic and state-based campaigning and created an opportunity, if not the necessity, to form transnational groups that have international institutions as their focal point of protest. It is submitted that the movement may be a source for unconventional ideas that could go some way in addressing various problems related to the ever-advancing process of globalisation. This may be accomplished by way of greater formalisation of the movement, and possibly with support from other prominent voices who are not anti-globalisation activists as such, yet in essence share many of the concerns of the protesters. In this way, the anti-globalisation movement could develop into a credible entity to complement the functioning of existing international institutions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Protes aksies teen globalisering is gedurende die laaste paar jare 'n bekende, maar nie noodwendig 'n welkome verskynsel by feitlik alle vergaderings van internasionale organisasies en staatsberade. In die algemeen word die protesteerders beskou as gewelddadige anargiste, en word hulle in die pers as eienaardige buitestaanders beskryf. Academici het tot dusver ook nie veel aandag aan hierdie verskynsel bestee nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stelof die meestal negatiewe opvattings van deelname in aktiewe protes teen globalisering geregverdig is. Die besware van die aktiviste is dalk realisties en nie ongegrond nie. Die vae begrip van anti-globalisering protesteerders is misleidend, omdat dit die groot aantal verskillende groepe tydens die protesaksies verberg. Beginsels van sosiale bewegingsstudies is geraadpleeg om die analise van verskeie groepe wat by protesaksies teenwoordig is, te struktureer. Hierdie analise wys dat die deelnemers aan protesaksies goed georganiseerd is, en dat hulle baie aktief is in internasionale netwerke, en hoofsaaklik op die internet staat maak om hulle bedrywighede te koordineer. Vanuit die standpunt van sosiale bewegingsstudies is die anti-globalisering aksie 'n baie interessante verskynsel omdat die beweging in baie lande teenwoordig is, en omdat dit nie staatsentries is nie. Staatsgrense en tradisionele staatstruktuure word dus oorskry. Veranderinge in die internasionale politieke arena is beslis die rede vir die vorming van die anti-globaliseringsbeweging. Dit word beweer dat die toename in internasionale multilaterale samewerking die trefkrag van aktivisme binne die grense en die konteks van die staat verminder het. Die geleentheid, en dalk noodsaaklikheid, is dus geskep om internasionale groepe te vorm wat hul protes op internasionale organisasies fokus. Die studie stel voor dat die beweging dalk die oorsprong van onkonvensionele idees kan wees wat baie van die negatiewe effekte en probleme wat verbonde is met die globaliseringsproses, sal aanspreek en help om hulle op te los. Voordat dit kan gebeur, moet die beweging egter 'n meer formele vorm aanneem, 'n proses wat beslis gesteun sal word deur groepe en indiwidue wat nie noodwendig anti-globalisering aktiviste is nie, maar wel baie van dieselfde belange het. Op hierdie manier sal dit dalk moontlik wees vir die anti-globaliseringsbeweging om "n geloofwaardige entiteit te word, wat die werk van bestaande internasionale organisasies sal komplimenteer.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wyoming, 2008. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on Nov. 18, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-121).

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It presents a profound paradox that the end of formal apartheid in South Africa and the political ascendancy of Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress have also signalled the disintegration of people’s power and the marginalisation of a once formidable anti-capitalist Left. Those who refused to be defeated and insisted that a better world was still possible asked anew, What is to be done? Their answer was to build a new Independent Left, using the Non-Governmental Organisation as their primary tool. This dissertation examines two leftist NGOs with distinct political approaches to organising, which have shaped formal anti-capitalist strategies in Cape Town over the past decade. The Alternative Information and Development Centre (AIDC), an activist space, policy think-tank, and alternative media centre, has aimed to restore the politics of the united front by bringing together employed and unemployed workers to lead a new eco-socialist Left alternative. Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU), an activist research and legal centre focusing on housing in the inner city, has fostered an inspiring movement of building occupiers and aimed to deconstruct the legacy of the apartheid city. Through a militant commitment to this wider Independent Left community, I have accompanied these organisations in their efforts, seeking to understand the role they can play in improving society. This dissertation investigates the central question of how to effectively utilize NGOs in the struggle for freedom and equality within the context of neoliberal capitalism. It has become clear that intellectual genealogies and ideological fortitude have laid the political foundation of these projects. Combined with the NGO’s formal and hierarchical structure, key themes that define the practices of these organisations have emerged. Matters of dependency and control, as well as organising and leadership, have been crucial features of these projects. This has engendered tensions within the organisations between technocratic and intellectual modes of rule, as well as resistance to these governing structures. Taken together, this analysis provides a window into the possibilities and limitations that these organisational tools offer for radically reimagining our world.