Spelling suggestions: "subject:"antiapartheid movements.through africa"" "subject:"antiapartheid movements.through affrica""
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The End Conscription Campaign 1983-1988 : a study of white extra-parliamentary opposition to apartheidPhillips, Merran Willis 11 1900 (has links)
The apartheid state was vulnerable to the opposition of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) on
two fronts. From 1967 universal white male conscription was introduced, and progressively
increased until 1984. This indicated the growing threat to the apartheid state from regional
decolonisation which offered bases for the armed liberation movement. From 1977 a policy of
"reformed apartheid" attempted to contain internal black opposition through socio-economic
upliftment, but the failure of this containment intensified the need for military coercion. Minority
conscription created an ongoing manpower challenge, which the ECC exacerbated by making the
costs of conscription explicit, thus encouraging non-compliance and emigration.
Secondly, the National Party used a security discourse to promote unity among whites, offsetting
both its conscription demands and its decreased capacity to win white political support through
socio-economic patronage. After the formation of the Conservative Party in 1982, the state faced
conflicting demands for stability from the right, and for reform from the left. The ECC's opposition
intensified these political differences, and challenged conscription on moral grounds, particularly
the internal deployment of the SADF after 1984.
Through its single-issue focus the ECC was able to sidestep divisions which plagued existing
anti-apartheid opposition, uniting a variety of groups in national campaigns between 1984 and
1988. Since it could not afford to accommodate the ECC's demands, and in view of growing white
acceptance of aspects of the ECC's opposition, the state repressed the ECC to limit its public
impact.
By 1988 - in a climate of growing white discontent around the material and personal costs of
conscription, economic decline, political instability and conscript deaths in Angola - the ECC's
call for alternatives to military conscription encouraged a broader range of anti-conscription
sentiment, prompting the state to ban it. / History / M.A. (History)
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Steve Biko’s Africana existential phenomenology : on blackness, black solidarity, and liberationMpungose, Cyprian Lucky 07 1900 (has links)
This study focuses on Steve Biko’s Africana existential phenomenology, with particular emphasis on the themes of blackness, black solidarity and liberation. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is Africana existential phenomenology, which is used as a lens to understand Biko’s political thought. The study argues that thematic areas of blackness, black solidarity, and liberation are inherent in Africana existential phenomenology. These thematic areas give a better understanding of existential questions of being black in the antiblack world. What is highlighted is the importance and the relevance of the revival of Biko’s thinking towards creating other modes of being that are necessary for the actualisation of blacks as full human subjects. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)
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The End Conscription Campaign 1983-1988 : a study of white extra-parliamentary opposition to apartheidPhillips, Merran Willis 11 1900 (has links)
The apartheid state was vulnerable to the opposition of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) on
two fronts. From 1967 universal white male conscription was introduced, and progressively
increased until 1984. This indicated the growing threat to the apartheid state from regional
decolonisation which offered bases for the armed liberation movement. From 1977 a policy of
"reformed apartheid" attempted to contain internal black opposition through socio-economic
upliftment, but the failure of this containment intensified the need for military coercion. Minority
conscription created an ongoing manpower challenge, which the ECC exacerbated by making the
costs of conscription explicit, thus encouraging non-compliance and emigration.
Secondly, the National Party used a security discourse to promote unity among whites, offsetting
both its conscription demands and its decreased capacity to win white political support through
socio-economic patronage. After the formation of the Conservative Party in 1982, the state faced
conflicting demands for stability from the right, and for reform from the left. The ECC's opposition
intensified these political differences, and challenged conscription on moral grounds, particularly
the internal deployment of the SADF after 1984.
Through its single-issue focus the ECC was able to sidestep divisions which plagued existing
anti-apartheid opposition, uniting a variety of groups in national campaigns between 1984 and
1988. Since it could not afford to accommodate the ECC's demands, and in view of growing white
acceptance of aspects of the ECC's opposition, the state repressed the ECC to limit its public
impact.
By 1988 - in a climate of growing white discontent around the material and personal costs of
conscription, economic decline, political instability and conscript deaths in Angola - the ECC's
call for alternatives to military conscription encouraged a broader range of anti-conscription
sentiment, prompting the state to ban it. / History / M.A. (History)
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Black consciousness and white liberals in South Africa : paradoxical anti-apartheid politicsMaimela, Mabel Raisibe 12 1900 (has links)
This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian
beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic
complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
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Black consciousness and white liberals in South Africa : paradoxical anti-apartheid politicsMaimela, Mabel Raisibe 12 1900 (has links)
This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian
beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic
complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
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