在推展全球化貿易下，面對市場逐漸開放之際，世界貿易組織為了減緩世界各國貿易自由化過程中所受到衝擊，允許會員國實施暫時性的保護措施，以矯正不公平貿易行為，其中又以反傾銷制度最為重要，為各國最常採用方式，但卻造成已開發國家如美國、歐盟過度濫用反傾銷措施，致過度保護本國產業。因此本研究以中國毛巾傾銷案作為研究對象，並運用美國國際貿易委員會所發展的COMPAS模型，來探討中國毛巾傾銷行為對我國毛巾產業之影響。除此之外，由於各國對於反傾銷稅的課徵是否過高頗有爭議，本研究因此進一步檢視我國在中國毛巾傾銷案中所課徵之反傾銷稅稅率是否過高？是否符合WTO反傾銷協定「公平貿易」之規範？若不符合，則在滿足「公平貿易」的前提下，其稅率訂定應該為何？ 由實證結果顯示，整體而言，傾銷對我國國內同類產品的產出、價格與收益，確實有負面的影響，國內市場佔有率則因受到低價傾銷進口品的替代，而呈現逐年下滑趨勢。在反傾銷稅課徵方面，在目前課徵稅率下（204.1％），確實可為國內廠商帶來正面的影響，然而本研究發現目前課徵稅率過高，而可能導致過度保護本國廠商，進而違反WTO「公平貿易」之規範。若將目前所課徵的稅率調降為符合「公平貿易」規範下之稅率（75.7％），其稅額會較採用傾銷差額課徵為低，不僅符合WTO 「較低稅率原則」，同時也可避免過度保護本國產業，對於整體社會福利之損失也較小。因此，本研究對政策的建議是反傾銷稅率訂定除了參考傾銷差率外，更須考量國內廠商之受損害程度，以課徵足以消除國內產業所受損害之稅率即可，來減少因稅賦所帶來之扭曲以及對國際貿易損害，而進一步傷害社會福利。 / At the same time of expanding global trade and increasing openness of the market, World Trade Organization (WTO) has been trying to decrease the impacts on Members during the process of liberalization and has permitted Members to practice temporary measures of protection and to correct unfair trade. Among these measures, anti-dumping is the most important and common one. However, it has abused by several developed countries, such as the USA and European Union (EU), which lead to over-protection of their domestic industries. Therefore, the research chooses the dumping case of Chinese towels as its subject and applies a model of Commercial Policy Analysis System (COMPAS) developed by United States International Trade Commission to evaluate the impacts on domestic towel industry due to import dumping from China. In addition, it is still controversial over the levels of antidumping duty to remain fair trade. Thus, the research will estimate further that if the rate of the present anti-dumping duty on the dumping case of Chinese towels is overrated or meets the principles of “fair trade” under WTO Anti-Dumping Agreement. Besides, if it is not, what is the rate should be to meet the principles of “fair trade” under WTO. The empirical results showed that dumping does have a negative impact on the price, output, and revenue of the domestic industry. The domestic market share has been decreasing year after year because of the substitute effect from dumped imports. As for imposing anti-dumping duty, the empirical results indicate that imposing anti-dumping duty under the present duty rate (204.1%) has a positive effect on domestic industry. However, according to the finding of this research, the present duty rate is too high. Overcharging of the anti-dumping duty could lead to over-protection of domestic industry and to further violation of the principles of “fair trade” under WTO. If the present duty rate can be reduced to meet the principles of “fair trade” (the rate is 75.7%), the tax will be less than the dumping margin. At the same time, it will conform to the“lesser duty rule”under WTO, avoid over-protection of domestic industry and contribute the minimum loss to the social welfare. Hence, this research suggests that the government imposing anti-dumping duty rate should refer to the dumping margin and evaluate the depth of injury to domestic firms. It should only impose an appropriate duty to remove the injury to domestic industry. It is significant to reduce the distortion of the tax and the injury to the international trade, and further harm of social welfare.

No longo caminho para a consolidação da abertura comercial brasileira a defesa comercial teve seu papel relegado quase sempre ao segundo plano. Ainda assim, houve o momento em que as medidas antidumping se tornaram parte fundamental da política comercial brasileira. Com o crescimento do número de medidas impostas, a exposição da política comercial exterior brasileira era inevitável. Portanto, a pesquisa procurou descrever a relação que a aplicação de medidas antidumping no Brasil mantém com seu propósito original. Mas o que faz de um país protecionista, ou melhor, quais elementos fariam do Brasil um país mais ou menos protecionista quando o tema são as medidas antidumping. Nesse sentido, a tese defendida diverge dos principais estudos e foi bem sucedida em demonstrar que apenas os números e modelos genéricos não são capazes de explicar um comportamento setorial específico. Dentro da abordagem proposta, a adição de um estudo de caso tornou possível uma fuga do método convencional de pesquisa dessa área e foi decisivo para lançar luz sobre a complexidade que envolve a aplicação do Acordo Antidumping. Conforme os resultados apontaram, percebemos que parece haver mais elementos que apontam o contrário do que os números dizem. Primeiro, o Brasil não reúne reclamações contra sua política de aplicação de direitos antidumping, uma vez que as reclamações no Sistema de Solução de Controvérsias se concentraram em condenar as políticas de crédito e fiscais, leia-se subsídios. Outro ponto de contato foi a modernização do marco que regula as investigações contra práticas desleais, com o estabelicimento de procedimentos mais detalhados que diminuiram a margem discricionária da autoridade investigadora. A criação de um Grupo de Interesse Público e a adoção do princípio do menor direito (lesser duty) como regra, caracterizam uma conduta reconhecidamente liberalizante. Uma outra hipótese protecionista foi afastada, uma vez os resultados apontaram que as importações do Brasil dependem muito pouco do câmbio. Portanto, surgiu algo como a “falácia do câmbio”, uma vez que ela é uma explicação consolidada para o fenômeno como um todo, mas sem poder de explicar um caso específico. Quando estudado à luz do caso dos calçados, o câmbio teve muito menos contribuição que a renda, sendo praticamente inexpressivo para determinar o comportamento da importação de calçados da China. Outro ponto ressaltado, foi a presença do efeito desvio de comércio na direção de outros exportadores, caracterizando uma postura de defesa mas não protecionista. Esses pontos quando reunidos ressaltam que a defesa comercial não visou as importações como um todo, mas apenas o produto objeto do dumping uma vez que o mercado deixado pelos chineses foi absorvido pelos demais exportadores. Finalmente, pela reação dos produtores e importadores domésticos, com a criação do MOVE enquanto movimento de resistência, entendemos que a concorrência dos calçados esportivos foi a fonte do problema. / In the long way towards the Brazilian trade opening consolidation, the role of trade defense has been frequently put aside. Even though, there has been a moment in which anti-dumping measures have become a fundamental aspect of the Brazilian trade policy. Given the growing number of measures imposed, the exposure of the Brazilian foreign trade policy was inevitable. Hence, the research has looked for describing the relationship that the application of anti-dumping measures in Brazil maintains with its original purpose. However, what does make a country protectionist; or even better, which elements would turn Brazil into a more or less protectionist country when anti-dumping measures are the subject. In this sense, the thesis diverges from the main studies, and it has succeeded in showing that just numbers and generic models are not able to explain a specific sectoral behavior. Within the proposed approach, the addition of a case study has conveyed to an escape from this area's conventional research method, and it was decisive in order to enlighten the complexity that surrounds the Anti-dumping Agreement application. As the results have shown, it was perceived that more elements seem to exist, showing the opposite from the numbers. Firstly, Brazil does not collect complaints against its anti-dumping rights application, once the complaints in the Dispute Settlement Understanding have focused on condemning credit and fiscal policies; meaning subsides. The modernization of the mark that rules investigations against unfair practices has been another point of contact, through the establishment of more detailed procedures, which have reduced the discretionary margin of the investigative authority. Both the creation of a Group of Public Interest and the adoption of the lesser duty principle as a rule, characterize a conduct recognized as liberalizing. Another protectionist hypothesis was pushed away, once the results have shown that Chinese importations by Brazil depend very little on the exchange rate or the industry cycle. Therefore, something like “exchange fallacy” has arisen, what is a consolidated explanation to the phenomenon as a whole; however it cannot explain a specific case. When analyzed under the footwear scope, exchange has had a much lower contribution than income, been nearly irrelevant in determining the behavior of shoe importation from China. Another highlighted aspect has been the trade deviation effect towards other exporters, characterizing a non protectionist defense position. When reunited, these points emphasize that trade defense did not aimed importations as a whole, but only the product that is an object of dumping, once the market left by the Chinese has been absorbed by other exporters. Finally, given the producers and domestic importers reaction, through the creation of MOVE as a resistance movement, it is this research understanding that the imported competition on sports footwear was the core of it all.

Šiame magistro baigiamajame darbe nagrinėjama tema „Tarifinio prekių klasifikavimo įtaka antidempingo muitų surinkimui“. Darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti tarifinio klasifikavimo taisykles ir principus bei jų taikymą praktikoje, siekiant atskleisti galimus antidempingo muitų netaikymo atvejus Lietuvos muitinėje. Darbo tikslas nurodo bendrą magistrinio darbo kryptį bei orientuojasi į problemos analizę teorine ir taikomąja prasme. Todėl darbe į tarifinio prekių klasifikavimo ir antidempingo muitų nustatymo vertinimą sritį žvelgiu per muitinės kontrolės prizmę. / The topic "Influence of the tariff goods classification for the collection of anti-dumping customs duties" is presented in this Master's concluding thesis. The goal of the work is to analyze the rules and principles of the tariff classification and their application in practice in order to disclose the possible non-application cases of anti-dumping customs duties in the Customs Department of Lithuania. The goal of the work indicates the general trend of the Master's work and is orientated towards the analysis of this problem in terms of theoretical and application aspects. Therefore, I am looking at the assessing sphere of the tariff goods classification and determination of anti-dumping customs duties through the control of the Customs Duties.

This summary gives the theme of this final Master thesis, goal and objectives, methods, structure, findings. The theme „Tariffic goods classification and anti-dumping duty“ is analyzed in this final Master thesis. The goal of this thesis is to analyze the theoretical and legal application foundations of anti-dumping measures, the rules and principles for classifying goods and display the potential cases of classifying goods incorrectly, seeking to bypass duty of anti-dumping. To reach the goals the main objectives were stated: 1. To analyze the literature about theoretical and legal foundations of application of anti-dumping duty as means of security for trade; 2. To overview rules and principles of tariffical classification; 3. To provide the possible cases of bypassing duty of anti-dumping when classifying goods incorrectly; 4. To give suggestions how to reduce possible cases of bypassing duty of anti-dumping because of incorrect declaration of the code of goods. These methods had the significance to implement the objectives of the particular thesis: the analysis of the sources of literature and documents, methods or linguistic and logical analysis. The thesis consists of introduction, part of enunciation, which consists of 3 parts, inferences and suggestions, summary (in Lithuanian and in English) and references. In the first section of the thesis reasons and outcomes in economic sense are discussed, statistics of application of anti-dumping duty is briefly overviewed... [to full text]

2011年美國對中國特定產品課徵反傾銷稅和平衡稅一案上訴機構報告發布，該案上訴機構推翻小組判決，於條文無明文規定的情形下判定：若針對「同一」損害同時課徵反傾銷稅和平衡稅，則非「適當」的平衡稅額，構成雙重救濟而有違WTO規範。雖然WTO無先例原則，然為維持機構的穩定性，小組與上訴機構多會參考先前裁決，因此，美國雙反案上訴機構判決將對往後相關議題產生一定影響，值得探究。 小組認為反傾銷協定與SCM協定各有其規範範疇，且會員於此二協定下之義務互不干涉，故除條文明文規定不得針對出口補貼同時課徵反傾銷稅和平衡稅外，同時課徵皆不違反WTO之規定。本文檢視兩協定的發展歷史後，發現雖然其分立是出於歷史上的偶然，但由談判過程可見該二貿易救濟措施具不同的救濟目的和實施方式，故小組立論有其基礎。 接續本文觀察上訴機構論理，以釐清其於條文無據的情況下判定雙重救濟有違WTO規範的原因，而本文發現上訴機構之裁決乃依條約解釋原則所為，並無造法之處，唯其相較於小組更著重會員在WTO涵括協定下義務的累積，是以得出與小組相悖的結論。 最後，本文透過經濟模型和經濟分析檢視雙重救濟於現實中的可能樣態，得出雙重救濟確實不單產生於針對出口補貼同時課徵反傾銷稅和平衡稅的情形。此外，為提供WTO會員往後面臨此議題的參照，本文觀察美國對雙反案之履行，發現進口國交由受調查廠商舉證其是否將補貼反應於售價之做法，確為調查機關同時課徵此二稅收之可行方式。

No longo caminho para a consolidação da abertura comercial brasileira a defesa comercial teve seu papel relegado quase sempre ao segundo plano. Ainda assim, houve o momento em que as medidas antidumping se tornaram parte fundamental da política comercial brasileira. Com o crescimento do número de medidas impostas, a exposição da política comercial exterior brasileira era inevitável. Portanto, a pesquisa procurou descrever a relação que a aplicação de medidas antidumping no Brasil mantém com seu propósito original. Mas o que faz de um país protecionista, ou melhor, quais elementos fariam do Brasil um país mais ou menos protecionista quando o tema são as medidas antidumping. Nesse sentido, a tese defendida diverge dos principais estudos e foi bem sucedida em demonstrar que apenas os números e modelos genéricos não são capazes de explicar um comportamento setorial específico. Dentro da abordagem proposta, a adição de um estudo de caso tornou possível uma fuga do método convencional de pesquisa dessa área e foi decisivo para lançar luz sobre a complexidade que envolve a aplicação do Acordo Antidumping. Conforme os resultados apontaram, percebemos que parece haver mais elementos que apontam o contrário do que os números dizem. Primeiro, o Brasil não reúne reclamações contra sua política de aplicação de direitos antidumping, uma vez que as reclamações no Sistema de Solução de Controvérsias se concentraram em condenar as políticas de crédito e fiscais, leia-se subsídios. Outro ponto de contato foi a modernização do marco que regula as investigações contra práticas desleais, com o estabelicimento de procedimentos mais detalhados que diminuiram a margem discricionária da autoridade investigadora. A criação de um Grupo de Interesse Público e a adoção do princípio do menor direito (lesser duty) como regra, caracterizam uma conduta reconhecidamente liberalizante. Uma outra hipótese protecionista foi afastada, uma vez os resultados apontaram que as importações do Brasil dependem muito pouco do câmbio. Portanto, surgiu algo como a “falácia do câmbio”, uma vez que ela é uma explicação consolidada para o fenômeno como um todo, mas sem poder de explicar um caso específico. Quando estudado à luz do caso dos calçados, o câmbio teve muito menos contribuição que a renda, sendo praticamente inexpressivo para determinar o comportamento da importação de calçados da China. Outro ponto ressaltado, foi a presença do efeito desvio de comércio na direção de outros exportadores, caracterizando uma postura de defesa mas não protecionista. Esses pontos quando reunidos ressaltam que a defesa comercial não visou as importações como um todo, mas apenas o produto objeto do dumping uma vez que o mercado deixado pelos chineses foi absorvido pelos demais exportadores. Finalmente, pela reação dos produtores e importadores domésticos, com a criação do MOVE enquanto movimento de resistência, entendemos que a concorrência dos calçados esportivos foi a fonte do problema. / In the long way towards the Brazilian trade opening consolidation, the role of trade defense has been frequently put aside. Even though, there has been a moment in which anti-dumping measures have become a fundamental aspect of the Brazilian trade policy. Given the growing number of measures imposed, the exposure of the Brazilian foreign trade policy was inevitable. Hence, the research has looked for describing the relationship that the application of anti-dumping measures in Brazil maintains with its original purpose. However, what does make a country protectionist; or even better, which elements would turn Brazil into a more or less protectionist country when anti-dumping measures are the subject. In this sense, the thesis diverges from the main studies, and it has succeeded in showing that just numbers and generic models are not able to explain a specific sectoral behavior. Within the proposed approach, the addition of a case study has conveyed to an escape from this area's conventional research method, and it was decisive in order to enlighten the complexity that surrounds the Anti-dumping Agreement application. As the results have shown, it was perceived that more elements seem to exist, showing the opposite from the numbers. Firstly, Brazil does not collect complaints against its anti-dumping rights application, once the complaints in the Dispute Settlement Understanding have focused on condemning credit and fiscal policies; meaning subsides. The modernization of the mark that rules investigations against unfair practices has been another point of contact, through the establishment of more detailed procedures, which have reduced the discretionary margin of the investigative authority. Both the creation of a Group of Public Interest and the adoption of the lesser duty principle as a rule, characterize a conduct recognized as liberalizing. Another protectionist hypothesis was pushed away, once the results have shown that Chinese importations by Brazil depend very little on the exchange rate or the industry cycle. Therefore, something like “exchange fallacy” has arisen, what is a consolidated explanation to the phenomenon as a whole; however it cannot explain a specific case. When analyzed under the footwear scope, exchange has had a much lower contribution than income, been nearly irrelevant in determining the behavior of shoe importation from China. Another highlighted aspect has been the trade deviation effect towards other exporters, characterizing a non protectionist defense position. When reunited, these points emphasize that trade defense did not aimed importations as a whole, but only the product that is an object of dumping, once the market left by the Chinese has been absorbed by other exporters. Finally, given the producers and domestic importers reaction, through the creation of MOVE as a resistance movement, it is this research understanding that the imported competition on sports footwear was the core of it all.

No longo caminho para a consolidação da abertura comercial brasileira a defesa comercial teve seu papel relegado quase sempre ao segundo plano. Ainda assim, houve o momento em que as medidas antidumping se tornaram parte fundamental da política comercial brasileira. Com o crescimento do número de medidas impostas, a exposição da política comercial exterior brasileira era inevitável. Portanto, a pesquisa procurou descrever a relação que a aplicação de medidas antidumping no Brasil mantém com seu propósito original. Mas o que faz de um país protecionista, ou melhor, quais elementos fariam do Brasil um país mais ou menos protecionista quando o tema são as medidas antidumping. Nesse sentido, a tese defendida diverge dos principais estudos e foi bem sucedida em demonstrar que apenas os números e modelos genéricos não são capazes de explicar um comportamento setorial específico. Dentro da abordagem proposta, a adição de um estudo de caso tornou possível uma fuga do método convencional de pesquisa dessa área e foi decisivo para lançar luz sobre a complexidade que envolve a aplicação do Acordo Antidumping. Conforme os resultados apontaram, percebemos que parece haver mais elementos que apontam o contrário do que os números dizem. Primeiro, o Brasil não reúne reclamações contra sua política de aplicação de direitos antidumping, uma vez que as reclamações no Sistema de Solução de Controvérsias se concentraram em condenar as políticas de crédito e fiscais, leia-se subsídios. Outro ponto de contato foi a modernização do marco que regula as investigações contra práticas desleais, com o estabelicimento de procedimentos mais detalhados que diminuiram a margem discricionária da autoridade investigadora. A criação de um Grupo de Interesse Público e a adoção do princípio do menor direito (lesser duty) como regra, caracterizam uma conduta reconhecidamente liberalizante. Uma outra hipótese protecionista foi afastada, uma vez os resultados apontaram que as importações do Brasil dependem muito pouco do câmbio. Portanto, surgiu algo como a “falácia do câmbio”, uma vez que ela é uma explicação consolidada para o fenômeno como um todo, mas sem poder de explicar um caso específico. Quando estudado à luz do caso dos calçados, o câmbio teve muito menos contribuição que a renda, sendo praticamente inexpressivo para determinar o comportamento da importação de calçados da China. Outro ponto ressaltado, foi a presença do efeito desvio de comércio na direção de outros exportadores, caracterizando uma postura de defesa mas não protecionista. Esses pontos quando reunidos ressaltam que a defesa comercial não visou as importações como um todo, mas apenas o produto objeto do dumping uma vez que o mercado deixado pelos chineses foi absorvido pelos demais exportadores. Finalmente, pela reação dos produtores e importadores domésticos, com a criação do MOVE enquanto movimento de resistência, entendemos que a concorrência dos calçados esportivos foi a fonte do problema. / In the long way towards the Brazilian trade opening consolidation, the role of trade defense has been frequently put aside. Even though, there has been a moment in which anti-dumping measures have become a fundamental aspect of the Brazilian trade policy. Given the growing number of measures imposed, the exposure of the Brazilian foreign trade policy was inevitable. Hence, the research has looked for describing the relationship that the application of anti-dumping measures in Brazil maintains with its original purpose. However, what does make a country protectionist; or even better, which elements would turn Brazil into a more or less protectionist country when anti-dumping measures are the subject. In this sense, the thesis diverges from the main studies, and it has succeeded in showing that just numbers and generic models are not able to explain a specific sectoral behavior. Within the proposed approach, the addition of a case study has conveyed to an escape from this area's conventional research method, and it was decisive in order to enlighten the complexity that surrounds the Anti-dumping Agreement application. As the results have shown, it was perceived that more elements seem to exist, showing the opposite from the numbers. Firstly, Brazil does not collect complaints against its anti-dumping rights application, once the complaints in the Dispute Settlement Understanding have focused on condemning credit and fiscal policies; meaning subsides. The modernization of the mark that rules investigations against unfair practices has been another point of contact, through the establishment of more detailed procedures, which have reduced the discretionary margin of the investigative authority. Both the creation of a Group of Public Interest and the adoption of the lesser duty principle as a rule, characterize a conduct recognized as liberalizing. Another protectionist hypothesis was pushed away, once the results have shown that Chinese importations by Brazil depend very little on the exchange rate or the industry cycle. Therefore, something like “exchange fallacy” has arisen, what is a consolidated explanation to the phenomenon as a whole; however it cannot explain a specific case. When analyzed under the footwear scope, exchange has had a much lower contribution than income, been nearly irrelevant in determining the behavior of shoe importation from China. Another highlighted aspect has been the trade deviation effect towards other exporters, characterizing a non protectionist defense position. When reunited, these points emphasize that trade defense did not aimed importations as a whole, but only the product that is an object of dumping, once the market left by the Chinese has been absorbed by other exporters. Finally, given the producers and domestic importers reaction, through the creation of MOVE as a resistance movement, it is this research understanding that the imported competition on sports footwear was the core of it all.

Magister Legum - LLM (Mercantile and Labour Law) / The establishment of an anti-dumping regime has become commonplace for many a government that seeks to protect and promote its local industries. One reason which appears to be dominant by its proponents is the need to curb predatory pricing. Another reason given by the proponents of anti-dumping is the need to maintain a level playing field for players in any particular industry. With these reasons and probably many others, anti-dumping legislation began to find its way into present-day trade. Canada, with its anti-dumping statute of 1904 [An Act to Amend the Customs Tariff 1897, 4 Edw VIII, 1 Canada Statutes 111 (1904)] is credited with the first modern anti-dumping legislation. New Zealand followed in 1905 with the Agricultural Implement Manufacture, Importation and Sale Act 1905, which was primarily meant to protect New Zealand's manufacturers of agricultural implements. The Industries Preservation Act 1906 which Australia enacted was to deal with market monopoly by manufacturers but it also contained provisions on anti-dumping. The first decade of the 20th century will thus qualify to be called the introductory decade of anti-dumping legislation.

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / En la actualidad, Estados Unidos es el segundo país que históricamente ha iniciado mayor número de investigaciones antidumping, antecedido sólo por la India, país reconocidamente proteccionista. ¿A qué obedece tal cifra? ¿Hay abuso en su sistema antidumping? ¿Está tan solo corrigiendo distorsiones o se busca proteger la industria nacional con tasas arancelarias injustificadas? ¿Cuáles son las consecuencias de tales prácticas? Las investigaciones antidumping iniciadas por Estados Unidos y los efectos que produce en la industria exportadora, son una cuestión que no puede ser pasado por alto por los países con los que tiene intercambios de bienes, menos aún en el caso de Chile, quien con la entrada en vigencia del Tratado de Libre Comercio se vincula de manera más fuerte a su economía. El objetivo de este trabajo es hacer un análisis acabado de la política antidumping en el comercio internacional y específicamente en Estados Unidos, a modo de dar respuestas a las interrogantes antes dadas. Para lograr estos objetivos, conoceremos los fundamentos de la aplicación de las MAD, para lo que deberemos abocarlos primero al concepto mismo de la práctica del dumping. Asimismo, no siendo una materia libre de discusión, nos tomaremos un tiempo en la legitimidad de la aplicación de esta clase de medidas, tomando como principio básico a aquel que dice proteger: el libre mercado

Thesis (MComm)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Recently countries have become more aware of the potential anti-competitive effects of anti-dumping measures. This is mostly due to the view that anti-dumping measures, as trade policy instruments, are at odds with the objectives of competition policy. According to many economic writers the only rational economic justification for anti-dumping measures is predatory dumping as an extreme form of price discrimination. Apart from the dramatic change in the economic justification for the use of anti-dumping measures over the last decades, there has also been a significant change in the countries that implement these measures. Since the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations there has been a shift from developed countries to developing countries being the main users of these policy tools. In the last couple of years the member countries of the Southern African Customs Union have been under increased pressure by private firms to enable the use of anti-dumping measures on intra-regional goods trade. However, the appropriateness of utilising these measures on intra-regional trade in the context of a custom union has been a contentious issue in recent economic debate. These measures erect trade barriers among the member states which are against the basic premise of a customs union. This has resulted in most economists calling for the prohibition and replacement of anti-dumping measure with either coordinated domestic or harmonised regional competition policies. In developing the regional and national policies on anti-dumping the SACU member states can follow two main stream approaches. The first is the incorporation of various competition principles into anti-dumping rules to limit the negative welfare and anti-competitive effects of utilising anti-dumping measures, while the second is the abolition of anti-dumping measures in the region which is then replaced by competition policy. The option best suited for SACU depends on the differing viewpoints on implementing anti-dumping measures in a customs union. However, irrespective of which policy combination is chosen, regional and national polices and authorities will have to be created, adapted and/or amended in order to have an effective interaction between anti-dumping and competition policies applicable to intra-regional trade. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Lande het ontlangs meer bewus geword van die moontlike negatiewe uitwerking wat maatreëls teen storting van goedere in markte kan hê op plaaslike en internasionale mededinging. Dit is hoofsaaklik as gevolg van die siening dat teen-stortingsmaatreëls, as instrumente van handelsbeleid, se doelwitte teenstrydig is met die van mededingingsbeleid. Volgens vele ekonomiese skrywers is die enigste rasionele ekonomiese regverdiging vir teen-stortingsmaatreëls predatoriese storting as ‘n uiterse vorm van prysdiskriminasie. Afgesien van die dramatiese verandering in die ekonomiese regverdiging vir die gebruik van teen-storingsmaatreëls oor die laaste dekades, het daar ook ‘n beduidende verandering plaasgevind in die lande wat hierdie maatreëls om goedere handel implementeer. Sedert die Uruguay Rondte van Multi-laterale Handelsooreenkomste het daar ‘n verskuiwing plaasgevind van ontwikkelde lande na ontwikkellende lande as die belangrikste gebruikers van hierdie beleidsinstrumente. In die laaste paar jaar het private firmas die lidlande van die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-Unie onder toenemede druk begin plaas vir die gebruik van teen-storingsmaatreëls op invoere vanaf die res van die streek. Alhoewel, huidiglik is die toepaslikehid van die gebruik van hierdie maatreëls op handel, in die konteks van ‘n doeane-unie, steeds ‘n omstrede kwessie binne ekonomiese dabatte. Hierdie maatreëls rig handelsversperrings tussen lidlande op wat teen die basiese veronderstelling van ‘n doeane-unie is. As gevolg hiervan is die meeste ekonome van die opinie dat teen-storingsmaatreëls vervang moet word met óf gekoördineerde binnelandse of geharmoniseerde streeks- mededingingsbeleid. Die SADU-lidlande kan twee benaderings volg in die ontwikkeling van streeks- en nasionale beleid oor teen-storingsmaatreëls. Die eerste is the insluiting van verskillende mededingingsbeginsels in bepalings wat handel oor teen-storingsmaatreëls om sodoende die moontlike negatiewe gevolge van hierdie maatreëls te beperk. Die tweede opsie is om teen-storingsmaatreëls op streeks-invoere met bededingingsbeleid te vervang. Die mees gepasde opsie sal af hang van die verskillende standpunte rondom die toepaslikheid van teen-stortingsmaatreëls in ‘n doeane-unie. Alhoewel, ongeag die beleidskombinasie wat gekies word sal nasionale en streeks-beleid en owerhede geskep, aangepas en/of gewysig moet word ten einde ‘n effektiewe interaksie tussen teen-storingsmaatreëls en mededingingsbeleid binne SADU te verseker.