咖啡產業是僅次於石油的世界第二大貿易商品，但由於咖啡交易存在的許多問題，供需失衡以及交易不公平等問題，因此在1998年咖啡生豆價格持續下跌，在2002年咖啡收購價格出現了近百年來的新低，造成了咖啡危機。 本論文以咖啡危機為背景，研究咖啡產業在目前貿易收入的不穩定現象與實施公平貿易之後產生的微妙關係，以多面向以及多層次的資料來分析咖啡交易的利與弊。 為了延續公平貿易機制為主的公平貿易咖啡，論文內容將以咖啡產業的各種個案，據以研究公平貿易的發展。並針對咖啡相關的公平貿易資料加以整理，就當前咖啡市場實施公平貿易之後所產生利弊問題當作本論文探討的主要方向。 此外，研究公平貿易機制與生產者的互動，從中了解農民真正的需求，有利於制定適合的標準與程序來因應不同國家不同條件的需求。 在公平貿易概念的定位與未來的轉變，會影響將來公平貿易政策的制定，在整合許多不同看法與作法下，是公平貿易將來所需要努力的方向。 爲順應國際社會的變遷，改善貿易文化與體質，成爲合作爲基礎的公民社會來說，全球貿易持續運作不可能停止，不是所有的貿易組織都可以改變貿易現況，所以不論自由貿易或是公平貿易，都應該體認到當今全球化下的貿易現狀是沒有轉圜的餘地，在這樣的環境之下，必須透過經濟與政治手段、康德文化認同與利益的內化、組織的設計與改造共同合作追求一個更好的世界。 關鍵字：咖啡、咖啡貿易、咖啡危機、公平貿易、公平貿易咖啡

台灣雖為小島，但因所處的緯度與地形讓台灣擁有熱帶到寒帶氣候型態，得天獨厚的地理條件使台灣的水果多樣性豐富造就水果王國的美名。先天優勢加上發達的生技與種植技術，台灣理應具先進的農業發展，農民也有良好的生活條件。然而實際上許多尤其在山區或偏鄉的農民卻長期處於貧窮狀態，間接造成人口外移，生活條件不佳等問題。而主要原因是農民距離市場過遠，又不善於取得市場資訊，一直以來都依賴盤商將商品賣到市場，寡買甚至獨賣的情況下農民缺乏議價能力而一直面臨貧窮問題。為了增加收入便大量使用農藥與肥料，結果產量增加有限卻破壞土壤汙染環境，影響作物的品質，品質不佳，議價能力變弱形成惡性循環。 　　針對此一問題國際上經過數十年的調整，發展出了公平貿易原則。而國內也有許多農民或網路平台也開始採取產地直購的方式經營，希望藉此改善收入問題。本研究的個案卡維蘭也是其中之一，但相較於其他平台，卡維蘭除了讓利農民外更進一步希望能協助農民改善耕作技術與生活環境，當中隱含了公平貿易中的永續發展概念，因此本研究選擇卡維蘭作為研究對象，希望藉由探討國際的公平貿易發展，研究卡維蘭個案的發展情形，再考量台灣特有的環境後提出一個創新商業模式來解決上述問題。 為了實際了解個案的運作情形，除了訪談外，筆者更於2015~2016年間實際加入卡維蘭團隊經營達半年之久，以親身的經歷觀察與訪談資料進行研究分析，研究結果認為引進公平貿易精神是台灣農業轉型朝永續發展的必然趨勢，然而當前仍有眾多阻礙需要克服，卡維蘭的努力加上民眾對公平貿易與社會企業的意識逐漸升高，已為轉變帶來希望。 / With the unique geographical conditions, Taiwan has an ideal environment of cultivating various types of fruit. Moreover, with advanced biotechnology, Taiwan should have a highly developed agriculture which improved farmers’ living condition. Nevertheless, most of the farmers don’t possess the knowledge and skills of sales, therefore it’s hard for them to sell their product to the market. They have to rely on the wholesalers, which restricted the farmers’ bargaining power. Without the ability to earn enough money, lots of them are living in poor conditions. In order to raise the harvest, some farmers use too much fertilizer and pesticide at the stake of jeopardizing the environment, yet the production increase is limited. Such measure incurred unstable quality and decreased bargaining power, thus the farmers were trapped in vicious circles. 　　To solve similar problems, fair trade has been developed throughout the world over decades to help farmers achieve better trading conditions. In Taiwan, many farmers and internet platform have tried to sell crops directly on internet to make sure that the farmers get a fair price, our case company Kavilan is one of them. In addition, Kavilan not only offers the farmers a fair price but also tries to help them improve their farming skills and build a healthy environment. There are fair trade and sustainability idea in their business model. Therefore, Kavilan is chosen as the research target. By studying the international fair trade development and the case Kavilan considering the circumstances of Taiwan, this study try to create a new business model with the concept of fair trade and social entrepreneurship to solve these problems. 　　To understand how Kavilan works, this author had joined Kavilan for half year during 2015-2016 to collect first hand data and analyze its operations. After conducting an in-depth research, the result shows that the transformation of agriculture involving fair trade is necessary for sustainability. Although there is still a lot of challenge to be dealt with, the efforts of Kavilan and the rising awareness of fair trade and social enterprise in public have bring hope to the change of agricultural industry.

在推展全球化貿易下，面對市場逐漸開放之際，世界貿易組織為了減緩世界各國貿易自由化過程中所受到衝擊，允許會員國實施暫時性的保護措施，以矯正不公平貿易行為，其中又以反傾銷制度最為重要，為各國最常採用方式，但卻造成已開發國家如美國、歐盟過度濫用反傾銷措施，致過度保護本國產業。因此本研究以中國毛巾傾銷案作為研究對象，並運用美國國際貿易委員會所發展的COMPAS模型，來探討中國毛巾傾銷行為對我國毛巾產業之影響。除此之外，由於各國對於反傾銷稅的課徵是否過高頗有爭議，本研究因此進一步檢視我國在中國毛巾傾銷案中所課徵之反傾銷稅稅率是否過高？是否符合WTO反傾銷協定「公平貿易」之規範？若不符合，則在滿足「公平貿易」的前提下，其稅率訂定應該為何？ 由實證結果顯示，整體而言，傾銷對我國國內同類產品的產出、價格與收益，確實有負面的影響，國內市場佔有率則因受到低價傾銷進口品的替代，而呈現逐年下滑趨勢。在反傾銷稅課徵方面，在目前課徵稅率下（204.1％），確實可為國內廠商帶來正面的影響，然而本研究發現目前課徵稅率過高，而可能導致過度保護本國廠商，進而違反WTO「公平貿易」之規範。若將目前所課徵的稅率調降為符合「公平貿易」規範下之稅率（75.7％），其稅額會較採用傾銷差額課徵為低，不僅符合WTO 「較低稅率原則」，同時也可避免過度保護本國產業，對於整體社會福利之損失也較小。因此，本研究對政策的建議是反傾銷稅率訂定除了參考傾銷差率外，更須考量國內廠商之受損害程度，以課徵足以消除國內產業所受損害之稅率即可，來減少因稅賦所帶來之扭曲以及對國際貿易損害，而進一步傷害社會福利。 / At the same time of expanding global trade and increasing openness of the market, World Trade Organization (WTO) has been trying to decrease the impacts on Members during the process of liberalization and has permitted Members to practice temporary measures of protection and to correct unfair trade. Among these measures, anti-dumping is the most important and common one. However, it has abused by several developed countries, such as the USA and European Union (EU), which lead to over-protection of their domestic industries. Therefore, the research chooses the dumping case of Chinese towels as its subject and applies a model of Commercial Policy Analysis System (COMPAS) developed by United States International Trade Commission to evaluate the impacts on domestic towel industry due to import dumping from China. In addition, it is still controversial over the levels of antidumping duty to remain fair trade. Thus, the research will estimate further that if the rate of the present anti-dumping duty on the dumping case of Chinese towels is overrated or meets the principles of “fair trade” under WTO Anti-Dumping Agreement. Besides, if it is not, what is the rate should be to meet the principles of “fair trade” under WTO. The empirical results showed that dumping does have a negative impact on the price, output, and revenue of the domestic industry. The domestic market share has been decreasing year after year because of the substitute effect from dumped imports. As for imposing anti-dumping duty, the empirical results indicate that imposing anti-dumping duty under the present duty rate (204.1%) has a positive effect on domestic industry. However, according to the finding of this research, the present duty rate is too high. Overcharging of the anti-dumping duty could lead to over-protection of domestic industry and to further violation of the principles of “fair trade” under WTO. If the present duty rate can be reduced to meet the principles of “fair trade” (the rate is 75.7%), the tax will be less than the dumping margin. At the same time, it will conform to the“lesser duty rule”under WTO, avoid over-protection of domestic industry and contribute the minimum loss to the social welfare. Hence, this research suggests that the government imposing anti-dumping duty rate should refer to the dumping margin and evaluate the depth of injury to domestic firms. It should only impose an appropriate duty to remove the injury to domestic industry. It is significant to reduce the distortion of the tax and the injury to the international trade, and further harm of social welfare.

在邁向全球貿易自由化過渡時期中，不免對各國國內產業造成相當大的衝擊與短暫之調適問題。此際貿易規範准許其政府採取一定措施以為救濟，然在執行相關之貿易救濟措施前，產業損害之認定係不可或缺之程序。 有鑑於進口救濟制度（包括平衡稅反傾銷稅）的引進在我國乃屬創舉，現行之「貨品進口救濟案件處理辦法」條文，引用美國的作法對於產業損害之認定僅止於實質損害之有無及其與損害成因間的因果關係論斷；但當進口品對國內產業造成經濟衝擊時，必然會反應在國內同類產品的價格與數量上的變化，當下唯有賴量化的指標才能對損害存在與否作客觀的審議，以便能適時，適當的採行救濟措施。 所以本文對探討不公平貿易競爭中的傾銷行為，採用曾巨威教授（民 84）所設立之產業損害評估模型，利用現有或可計算之參數資料，計算出進口品對國內產業造成的損失。以更清楚瞭解到量化的指標在整體產業損害分析中的意義及關係。 藉由實證數據分析，本文除直接證實生產高密度聚乙烯、低密度聚乙烯及聚丙烯的產業受到損害確實起因於傾銷的價格競爭所造成，並具體衡量出產業損害的程度，這種評估模式的使用不但能避免目前以眾多因素的個別變化作綜合考量的缺失，更重要的是這種分析方法代表的經濟合理性與嚴謹性，而且得到和貿易調查委員會一致的結果。 此法雖係以不公平貿易行為為探討的對象，其中推理亦可延伸適用於一般非屬不公平貿易行為者對國內產業損害的評估。鑑於國內尚未有對損害程度具體評估之實證文獻，此為本文之主要特色。

道德企業的臉書粉絲團：社群對話與意義行銷 / Fair Trade is for more than just coffee: Oliberté and prAna sell clothing, shoes, and accessories. Corporate social responsibility now takes the shape of business models. For each item sold, TOMS and Warby Parker give an item to someone in need. The present study takes a closer look at what is happening on these four brands’ Facebook pages with the focus on user-generated contributions. Observation of those pages during the 2014 American holiday shopping season identifies what people are posting. Depth interviews with active Facebook followers provide insight as to why people are posting about these companies and how they came to be brand advocates. The results indicate that though there are plenty of discussions about products, Facebook brand pages are not merely advertising channels. They are tools that the greater ethical consumption community uses to strengthen and expand its values-based groups of followers. People also choose Facebook over face-to-face conversation to start tough conversations about consumer and political issues within their own networks because it is easier to present controversial ideas. The informants, regardless of voting frequency, reported being skeptical of government and large organizations. Yet, they have faith in capitalism’s ability to carry out good around the world, and they are an active audience for meaningful marketing. Finally, informants reported hating shopping. Yet, they invested time checking corporate websites, reading literature written by a brand’s founder, and sharing information about companies on Facebook. Websites and social media are essential to the shopping process today because they are spaces where consumers learn about and share brand stories.

他國低估匯率造成貿易嚴重扭曲問題近年來越發受到重視，而美國國會為解決主要貿易對手國長期壓抑匯率以提升出口競爭力，導致美國貿易赤字不斷上升之問題，遂陸續提出諸多匯率改革相關法案，期望以具體之制裁手段防止他國持續刻意壓低匯率。 本文先以美國現行法案──1988年匯率與國際經濟政策協調法案作為出發點，探討美國現行法案之不足，以點出美國國會為何認為有於後續改革法案中加入制裁手段之必要，並得出2010年公平貿易貨幣改革法案與2011年貨幣匯率監督改革法案此二法案所提倡之將他國根本性匯率低估或匯率失調情形視為可課徵平衡稅之補貼，為國會多數支持之手段。再以經濟學及國際貿易法學之分析連貫後續討論：匯率低估是否等同對進口課徵關稅並對出口提供補貼？2010年公平貿易貨幣改革法案與2011年貨幣匯率監督改革法案欲將他國根本性匯率低估或匯率失調情形視為可課徵平衡稅之補貼，是否符合WTO有關補貼之規範？前者以Staiger及Sykes兩位學者使用之兩國兩財模型作為討論主軸，後者則以補貼三要件──「財務補助」、「受有利益」及「特定性」加以檢驗。最後皆得出匯率低估僅在特定之情況下始可能構成補貼之結論。 惟在研究過程中，本文發現若僅單憑國際貿易法學之角度去解析匯率低估是否構成補貼，將受法律文字之主觀影響而導致某些謬誤產生。為解決此一問題，本文乃提出以經濟學之分析輔佐國際貿易法裁決之建議，以期能提升國際貿易法裁決之客觀性與公平性。 / The serious trade distortion problem caused by currency undervaluation has given rise to more and more attention. The United States also faces the increasing trade deficit problem caused by some major trading partners that manipulate the value of their currencies in relation to the United States dollar to gain export competitive advantage. The U.S. Congress thus brings up many currency exchange rate reform acts, hoping to use the specific sanction policies to prevent other countries from intentionally depressing exchange rates consistently. This article starts from the U.S. currency act in force──Exchange Rates and International Economic Policy Coordination Act of 1988 to discover the insufficiency in order to point out why the U.S. Congress consider it necessary to put the sanction policies in follow-up currency reform acts. We then conclude that the policies that brought up by "Currency Reform for Fair Trade Act (2010)" and "Currency Exchange Rate Oversight Reform Act of 2011" to deem the "fundamentally undervalued currency" or "misaligned currency" as contervailable subsidies come out in favor of the majority of the U.S. Congress. Follow up we use the analysis of the economies and international trade laws to link the following discussion: is the currency undervaluation equals to import tariffs and export subsidies? Are the policies that deem the "fundamentally undervalued currency" or "misaligned currency" as contervailable subsidies consistent with the WTO’s subsidy regulations? The former one is discussed with the "two countries and two goods model" brought up by Staiger and Sykes while the latter one is examined by three elements: "financial contribution", "benefits" and "specific". The answers are both that the currency undervaluation will be contervailable subsidy in some very specific cases. However, during this research, we find out that if just use the view of international trade laws to analyze whether the currency undervaluation is a contervailable subsidy, we may be affected by the literalism and make mistakes. To solve this problem, we recommend that using the analysis of economies to support the ruling of international trade laws, hoping to increase the objectivity and fairness.