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Organised labour continues to play a prominent role in shaping employment relations in South Africa. The individual worker is powerless and in a weaker bargaining position against his employer. The advent of democracy was accompanied by numerous interventions to level the historically uneven bargaining field. The trade union movement has made and consolidated significant gains since the advent of democracy. It however faces a plethora of new challenges, such as the negative forces of globalisation, declining membership (often associated with high levels of unemployment and the changing nature of work from standard to atypical employment), the resurfacing of adversarialism in the bargaining process, and numerous shortcomings inherent in forums established to facilitate corporatism. Business is intensifying its calls for investor-friendly policies, which effectively mean a relaxation of labour policies. The trade union movement faces an enormous task of rebuilding confidence and credibility among its members and at the same time showing some commitment to other social actors, government and business, that it is committed to contribute to economic growth and employment creation. The central focus of this thesis will be to highlight the gains made by the trade union movement, the numerous challenges threatening their existence, and how they have attempted to redefine their role in the face of these challenges. It will attempt to offer advice on how trade unions can continue to play a prominent role in shaping relations of work in South Africa. The study begins with a historical overview of trade unionism in South Africa. It then attempts to establish how trade unions have made use of the institution of collective bargaining, the importance of organisational rights to the trade union movement, the effectiveness of industrial action, and the emerging challenges threatening the vibrancy of trade unions. The overall aim is to assess whether the trade union movement is still a force to be reckoned with and its future role in influencing employment relations in South Africa.

This research examines the relationship between business, the state and society in South Africa -- particularly the Western Cape -- over the period from 1960 to 1990, viewed against the background of economic conditions in this region, South Africa and the world. Utilising a development history approach, it is based on an extensive study of primary and secondary documentation, supplemented by a panel of in-depth interviews and observation. This study finds that the relationship between business and apartheid incorporated both functional and dysfunctional elements, although over time the benefits diminished and the costs multiplied. The latter, Regulation Theory suggests, is true for any institutional order, but it could be argued that, under apartheid, the particularly fragile and contradictory nature of the institutional arrangement made inevitable crises more rapid and more pronounced. On the one hand, apartheid restricted the economic development of the country, as a result of a range of factors from skills shortages to the visible waste of resources on grand ideological projects and security; as suggested by Resource Curse Theory, minerals windfalls tend to encourage irresponsible behaviour by governments. On the other hand, certain businesses prospered, notably the Afrikaner business sector. All business benefited from the overall growth of the 1950s and 1960s, whilst niche players often did quite well even during the 1980s. Further, the South African businessmen, both English- and Afrikaans-speaking, were skilful in adapting to the difficult conditions brought about by apartheid, and in many cases they prospered. As highlighted by Business Systems Theory, embedded social ties and informal relations may help either support or compensate for formal regulatory pressures. Many of these general trends were particularly accentuated in the Western Cape. The fact that business protests against government policies were often more motivated by concerns as to future property rights and of social disorder, rather than human rights, does indeed raise serious moral issues. However, in helping encourage political reform, they may have made a positive contribution. This study is founded on three related strands of thinking within the political economy tradition, Resource Curse Theory, Regulation Theory and Business Systems Theory, with the emerging common ground between these three bodies of thought being highlighted. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, non-mineral producing regions tend to be particularly adversely affected in mineral rich countries, and there is little doubt that the region bore all the costs of the collapse of the gold price in the 1980s, and lacked the deeper capital base of the now Gauteng region to cushion the shock. Whilst apartheid may, as we have seen, have served conservative sectors of agriculture and mining quite well for many years, it also involved large costs incurred through social engineering experiments and the increasing demands of the security establishment. Resource Curse Theory suggests that national economies become dangerously dependent on the vagaries of commodities markets, and that the process of institutional design and evolution is hampered by assumptions of easy money which may temporary resolve the negative consequences of any institutional shortcomings. The poor price of gold in much of the 1980s brought about a crisis in the system, and, there is little doubt that this contributed to the demise of the order. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, the experience of the Western Cape, a region of the country poor in minerals, was often one of inefficient and wasteful state intervention, coupled with increasingly poor performance of non-mineral related industries. Indeed, the effects of the recession of the 1980s were most pronounced in non-mineral producing areas of the country, particularly in the Western Cape. Regulation Theory highlights that no set of institutions and practices is ever totally coherent and functional, but at specific times may work to promote both certain types of economic activity and overall growth. It is wrong to suggest that because an order only works for some players at specific times it is simply dysfunctional or does not work properly at all. However, over time, internal contradictions mount and the benefits diminish. A particular feature of the apartheid order was that some of its core benefits at its height were particularly concentrated on some players (segments of Afrikaner commerce and industry, mining and agriculture), whilst the costs were shared across a wider range of players, with a disproportionate burden being borne by the black majority. A further feature was that the costs were often indirect and spread over many years if the benefits were sometimes immediate: this would include the persistent dysfunctionality of much of the South African education system and the criminal ecosystem that was nurtured through sanctions busting. Internal contradictions and spreading dysfunctionality rarely leads to a conscious and coherent period of institutional redesign, but rather an incoherent, experimental and contested process, such as characterized late apartheid reforms, and, indeed, the post February-1990 negotiation process. Finally, again at a theoretical level, as Business Systems Theory highlights, it is important to take account of the formal and informal ties interlinking firms in different sectors in the region, and firms and government, and the extent to which regions within a particular country may follow very distinct developmental trajectories. The benefits and the costs of the system diffused unevenly in the region, giving many players both a stake in the existing order, and an interest in some or other type of reform.

This study used integration as the overarching conceptual framework to investigate socio-spatial integration in post-apartheid South Africa. The study adopted the embedded case study design to investigate the spatial and social aspects of integration in former white residential suburbs in East London, South Africa. Recognising that integration occurred in different registers, this study used data from the South African Property Transfer Guide (SAPTG) database to investigate spatial-temporal integration in East London‟s residential suburbs from 1993 to 2008. A total of 21,683 residential property transfers were reviewed in 46 suburbs, and transfers to Blacks were identified. The residential property transfers were mapped to identify the nature of spatial integration. To investigate social integration, in-depth personal interviews were conducted on a purposively drawn sample of residents in the three case study suburbs of Southernwood, Cambridge and Gonubie. The interviews focused on three proxy indicators of social capital at neighbourhood level. The results of the study showed that post-apartheid spatial integration in East London closely followed the class-based residential template. Contrary to predictions prior to, and following apartheid‟s demise, the study showed that spatial integration occurred without racial conflicts. The study also found that social integration in the residential suburbs reflected the neighbourhood context and personal preferences, and was highly fluid. Although feelings of racial distance were evident, there were also indications of social cohesion, which were dynamic and uneven in time and space. Based on the data and the dialectical nature of spatial and social integration, the study concluded that fragmentation and integration are likely to continue coexisting in the South African city.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy. Johannesburg, 2001 / The overarching theme of the thesis is the urban ‘racial’ restructuring of the East Rand during the first twenty-five years of apartheid. The thesis examines the adoption and implementation of apartheid state’s social engineering strategy, especially its strict racial segregation of the urban areas. In this context, the creation o f ‘modern’ African townships and group areas is emphasised. The thesis focuses attention on the implementation of urban apartheid in Benoni, particularly the establishment of the ‘model’ township, Daveyton. Benoni’s experiences in implementing apartheid policies are compared to that of its municipal neighbours. The thesis contends that local authorities were important role players in the implementation of apartheid. Thus, the ways in which the changing relations between the local and central tiers of the state influenced the making of apartheid at regional and local levels are foregrounded throughout this study. The impact of apartheid policies on the ‘multi-racial’ populations of the urban ‘black spots’ and their responses to these policies are primary concerns in the narrative provided here. The diverse reactions of people affected by forced removals - from acquiescence to militant resistance - in the 1950s and 1960s are analysed. A central focus of this study is the making of apartheid in the 1960s, the so-called golden age of apartheid. Finally, the thesis discusses the introduction and effects o f ‘separate development’ and ‘community development’ as principal interventions by the state to politicise ethnicity and ‘race’ during the period of ‘high apartheid’. / WS2017

Thesis (MPhil (Sustainable Development Planning and Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / The objective of this thesis was to investigate the state of individual philanthropy in South Africa in the post–apartheid, post–1994 transformative period of this country, and to explore and try to understand this practice within the wider context of trends in contemporary global philanthropy. The germ for this thesis came from a recognition that individual philanthropy on a global level is a burgeoning phenomenon with an increasingly important impact, and that this type of giving could also be a powerful resource for South Africa as this new democracy begins to tackle its social and economic problems. This study was informed by primary and secondary data. I used a research strategy and methodology that entailed in-depth interviews with six prominent South African businesspeople who have each given generously from their own resources to address the country‘s major problems: poverty and inequality, capacity-building and jobs creation, education, the HIV-AIDs pandemic, and other poverty-related ills. The results of my research furnished new insights into the practice of individual philanthropy and confirmed that this practice happens in a unique context: the cultural and historical environment within which people‘s lives unfold is the key influence and impetus that informs their giving. While learning about global strategies is important for understanding how the development discourse is developing, these external strategies do not provide the template for South African philanthropy. In South Africa, individuals from diverse backgrounds are independently practicing philanthropy by developing their own unique set of strategies based on their life experience, rather than pursuing strategies that were reached through collaborative dialogue and a mutually agreed-upon approach. Each context is unique and these individuals have developed their own strategies for giving that make sense and work for them. This research is important as South Africa searches for solutions to its pressing problems because it adds to the body of knowledge that could be used to formulate policy and strategic choices for the future of this country. The development discourse increasingly includes individual philanthropy as an integral part of the ―mix‖ of solutions being pursued to eradicate poverty and other social ills; the further development of individual philanthropy in South Africa to become more strategic and transformative is critical. This development is the next step in future research.

Thesis (PhD )--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigated the political role of the City Press. black journalists in post-apartheid South Africa. Taking into consideration its ownership by a white media company, the study investigated the role played by African cultural values in the execution of their tasks with a particular focus on the period 1994 to 2004. The interest in the role played by African cultural values in the execution of the City Press. black journalists. tasks, and in the issue of the newspaper.s white ownership, was driven by an observation that historically, the trajectory of black newspapers was to a great extent influenced by the interests and values of the owners. The issue of ownership was of interest also because the black political elite frequently accused black journalists in South Africa of undermining the ANC government so as to please the white owners of the newspapers they worked for. Also, taking into consideration that the City Press played a conscious role in the struggle against apartheid, the study sought to investigate the role the City Press defined for its journalists in post-apartheid South Africa, specifically in the first decade after 1994. Three theoretical frameworks were deemed applicable in this study, namely Liberal- Pluralism, Political Economy, and Afrocentric theories on the media.s political role in society. The first was chosen on the basis of its theorisation on the political role of the media. The second was chosen on the basis of its analysis of the link between the performance of the media and ownership, although that is not the only issue Political Economy deals with. The third was chosen on the basis of its focus on African historical and cultural issues. The study has employed qualitative research methods, namely content analysis and interviews. It has a quantitative aspect in that it involved the counting of the City Press. editorials, columns and opinion pieces, as an indication of how many journalistic pieces were analysed. The period of this study ends in 2004 in the year that the City Press was re-launched as a ¡°Distinctly African¡± newspaper. The ¡°Distinctly African¡± concept had both cultural and political implications for the City Press. journalists. This study covers some of these aspects in a limited way since the research period ends in the year 2004. The research found that in post-apartheid South Africa, the City Press. black journalists. political role was to make sure that the objectives of the anti-apartheid struggle were achieved. It also established that the City Press. black journalists executed their tasks independently without interference from their newspaper.s white owners. The study also established that some of the newspaper.s black journalists experienced tensions between what they perceived as expectations of journalism and what they perceived as the prescriptions of African culture. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het die volgende ondersoek: die politieke rol van die City Press se swart joernaliste in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika, die rol van Afrika-kulturele waardes in die uitvoering van hul taak met 'n spesifieke fokus op die periode 1994 tot 2004, en die konteks van die koerant as eiendom van 'n tradisionele wit media maatskappy. Die belangstelling in die rol van Afrika-kulturele waardes in die uitvoering van die taak van die City Press se swart joernaliste en die kwessie van die koerant se wit eienaarskap is gedryf deur die waarneming dat, histories, swart koerante grotendeels beïnvloed is deur die belange en waardes van die eienaars. Die kwessie van eienaarskap was ook van belang omdat die politieke elite gereeld swart joernaliste beskuldig het dat hulle die ANC-regering ondermyn om sodoende die wit eienaars van die publikasies vir wie hulle werk, tevrede te stel. In ag geneem die feit dat die City Press 'n bewustelike rol in die struggle teen apartheid gespeel het, het die studie ook die rol ondersoek wat die City Press vir sy joernaliste in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika gedefinieer het, spesifiek in die eerste dekade ná 1994. Drie teoretiese raamwerke is beskou as van belang vir hierdie studie, naamlik die Liberale- Pluralisme, die Politieke Ekonomie en Afrosentriese teorieë oor die media se politieke rol in die samelewing. Die studie het twee kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodologieë gebruik, by name inhoudsanalise en onderhoude. Daar was 'n kwantitatiewe aspek deurdat die City Press se hoofartikels, rubrieke en meningstukke getel is as 'n aanduiding van hoeveel stukke geanaliseer is. Die navorsing het bevind dat die City Press se swart joernaliste hul politieke rol in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika gesien het as om onder meer seker te maak dat die doelwitte van die vryheidstryd bereik word. Die studie het ook vasgestel dat die City Press se swart joernaliste hul taak onafhanklik en sonder inmenging van die koerant se wit eienaars kon doen. Ook is bevind dat sommige van die koerant se swart joernaliste spanning ervaar tussen eise van die joernalistiek en wat hulle beskou as voorskriftelikheid van Afrika-kulturele waardes. Die tydperk van die studie eindig in 2004, die jaar waarin die City Press geloods is as 'n "Distinctly African"-koerant. Die "Distinctly African"-konsep het beide kulturele en politieke implikasies vir die City Press se joernaliste. Hierdie studie dek sommige van hierdie aspekte in 'n beperkte mate aangesien die navorsingstydperk in 2004 eindig. Dit word voorgestel dat meer navorsing gedoen word met spesifieke verwysing na die tydperk tussen 2004 en 2009, die volgende vyf jaar van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika. In die politieke diskoers verwys die swart politieke elite gereeld na Afrika-kultuur. Dit is nog 'n aspek wat toekomstige studies kan ondersoek, naamlik die verhouding tussen joernalistieke waardes en praktyke aan die een kant, en Afrika-kultuur aan die ander. / Stellenbosch University / Awqaf Foundation

Picking up on current research about settler colonialism, this study uses a modified version of a model explaining modern-state formation to explain settler-colonial formation. Charles Tilly identified two simultaneous processes at work – war-making and state-making which produced modern states in Western Europe. Settler-colonial systems engage(d) in a particular type of war to produce their existence: total war. Hence, a modified version of total-war-making and settler-colonial-existence-making (production) occuring in the settler-colonial-creation phase is proposed. However, before this conceptual analytical framework could be developed, it was necessary to examine the meanings of terms such as 'nation' and ‘nation-state’ as well as concepts such as settler-colonialism and total war. The sample of relevant literature analyzed revealed inconsistencies in the meanings of the terms when applying W.H. Newton-Smith’s theory of meaning, suggesting the influence of what Edward Said identified as the workings of orientalism. This has conceptual implications on terms such as settler-colonialism and the meaning of the type of war it wages upon the indigenous nations. It also has implications on developing a conceptual analytical tool to understand the dynamics of the production of the settler-colonial existence. Thus, the terms and concepts needed to be de-orientalized before using them in the modified model which was then used to examine initially three settler-colonial cases: the United States, Australia and Apartheid South Africa. The modified analytical model was able to highlight particular dynamics relevant to settler-colonial systems and was then used – with the incremental and imbricate research done in the first three chapters – to examine the Zionist case. It illustrated that while the cases of the United States and Australia were able pass their creation phases, the Apartheid case could not and subsequently collapsed. The Zionist case seems to be still in its settler-colonial-creation phase. This has implications on current analysis concerning the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

The unprecedented scale of health sector reform in the course of radical political transformation in post-apartheid South Africa is well-documented. This thesis examines child health policy reform as a crucial part of this process. The goals of broader health sector reform were to improve the overall health status of citizens, in particular those most vulnerable, and eliminate inequities in health service provision and health status outcomes. Although children were accorded explicit prioritisation during this time, child health indicators remain poor and some have worsened. Amidst the documented explanations for the poor progress with child health indicators, the specific role and contribution of child health policies had not been interrogated. The thesis examines the development, design and implementation of national child health policies, with particular focus on equity. The National School Health Policy serves as a case-study for the analysis. Three complementary policy analysis frameworks guide the enquiry. Findings are based on a documentary analysis of key policies and 81 qualitative interviews with national policy makers and managers, provincial and district managers, and service providers in three socioeconomically different provinces of South Africa. The common assertion by South African health system analysts, that "policies are good, but implementation is poor", is refuted by this research. The findings show that child health policies have many deficiencies in their design and development. These "poor policies" contribute to inadequate child health service provision, which in turn have a bearing on poor child health outcomes. In particular the failure in clearly defining and conceptualising equity in policy development and design contributed to the absence of equity considerations in the implementation phase. The explanations for these policy failures include: lack of strategic direction for child health services; poor policy making capacity; a lack of clear policy translation; and the diverse politics, power and passion of policy actors. Broader health system factors, such as an immature and poorly functioning district health system, compound these policy failures. The thesis deepens the understanding of child health policy reform through a retrospective policy analysis and so contributes to the body of knowledge on policy reform in South Africa and in low- and middle-income countries more generally.

This research project explored how young women involved in political organizations make sense of apartheid history and how they appropriate that history into their identities. Nine black women students who were involved in political organizations were interviewed from the University of Witswatersrand. The women that were chosen participated in a narrative style interview about their lives and the history of apartheid. The data were then analyzed using narrative thematic analysis and organised in the temporal zones of past, present and future. The analysis revealed the complexities of race, class and gender and how these are embodied, enacted and made sense of in the construction and reconstruction of the identities of these young women. In imagining and reflecting on the apartheid past, race was understood through both distant, public narratives and through personal and intimate family narratives. Gendered roles or positions were talked about in reference to three thematic symbols of women as nurturers, iconic wives and heroes. In progression from the apartheid past and its particular, separated and structured understanding of race and gender, the journey into the present and future, reflects increasingly complex, dynamic and multilayered understandings. In particular, the conflation of race and class under apartheid is beginning to fragment and these young women are thinking through their positionality in terms of personal class mobility and simultaneous identification as black and committed to the continuation of race struggles. It is also very clear that the question of gender equality is now very prominent for these young women as they navigate their roles in political leadership in the present and envisage themselves in the future.