Grounded in the qualitative tradition, the aim of this study was to explore how principals perceive the processes governing, tensions inherent in and consequences, of the secularisation of public schools in South Africa, against the backdrop of the old apartheid system. Principals are key informants who bridge the gap between the political arena and the individuals who are affected at the implementation level and therefore provide a valuable lens through which the process of secularisation can be explored. Eight principals, who had been in this position of leadership for at least eight years, participated in semi-structured interviews, which were then subjected to a thematic content analysis. Principals perceived the process as characterised by a lack of consultation and transparency, with no clear guidelines provided to them and no follow-through from the education ministry. They also perceived tensions in the manner in which principals continued to embrace Christian principles in the management of their schools. Tolerance and respect of different religions were identified as positive outcomes of secularisation but these were perceived to have been offset by the negative consequences of a moral collapse, an ungovernable school and a loss of identity among the students. Through exploring the nature of key socialising agents, in the educational arena, it became evident that the participants often conceptualised themselves as martyrs and perceived parents as morally neglectful. The changing role of the school, as an agent of religious education, was also explored. Overall, all the principals strongly agreed that despite the good intentions of the government in fostering a democratic society, the impact of secularisation had resulted in some unintended effects, including a negative impact on the moral development of the students. In sum they perceived that the negative consequences of secularisation outweighed the promises of the government’s overall secularisation vision.

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Coursework and Research Report Faculty of Humanities University of the Witwatersrand, 2017 / This research project was designed with the aim of understanding how tailoring a particular township experience known as “loxion management” in a Gauteng township of Tembisa could insert more knowledge and re-envision literature on precarity. This project hopes to not only re-envision “loxion management” as a possible intersection between the labour market and township life but to also unpack the intricacies within this idiom. With attempting to unpack this idiom, most participants and external conversations to this research project revealed an assortment of terms used in the township which have the possibility to obscure an understanding of what “loxion management” really encapsulates. Therefore, this research project highlights that a misinterpretation of the terms glosses over the significant undertones permeating experiences of this idiom. Thus, it argues that “loxion management” is an idiom which has been loosely defined in the township, which not only serves as a circuitous network contributing to social cohesion amongst men but also as a site where employment information, even of a precarious nature circulates. Key words: loxion management, precarity, Post-apartheid township life, unemployment, labour market, masculinity, “conduits”, circuitous network, social ties. / GR2018

Apartheid had long been an everyday practice in South Africa when the NG Kerk threw its weight behind it during the third decade of the twentieth century. However, it did not take long before the church began playing a leading role in this respect. During the fourth and fifth decades many decisions and publications underscored the church's conviction that the policy of separate development was based on Scripture. The South African Government and the National Party Government, in particular, were certain of the co-operation of the NG Kerk not only in the establishment of this policy but also in the extension thereof to cover all the facets of social, economical and political life. Although the NG Kerk, on many occasions, reiterated that the policy should be implemented with justice and compassion, it was always clear that apartheid as a policy that was based on colour could only result in discrimination against, and injustice to, people of colour. This resulted in growing resistance by blacks, coloureds and Indians since the beginning of the century. The resistance increased rapidly after the National Party took over the government of the country in 1948 and proceeded to intensify this policy by applying it to all levels of the political and societal life. On March 21 1960 thousands of blacks marched to the police station in Sharpeville to protest against the pass laws. This resulted in the police killing 69 blacks and wounding 180 in a panic reaction which caused not only a worldwide wave of indignation and protest but also increased racial tension in South Africa. The World Council of Churches in conjunction with the local member churches immediately arranged the Cottesloe Conference to discuss possible solutions to the racial problems. The proposals of this conference which was held in December 1960 met with strong opposition from Government and were eventually completely smothered by the Church leadership. The proposals were unacceptable because they smacked too much of criticism of apartheid. Notwithstanding the strong political and ecclesiastical rejection of Cottesloe, a group of church leaders nevertheless decided to establish the publication Pro Veritate, and soon afterwards the Christian Institute of Southern Africa was founded in an effort to give scriptural witness in South Africa. Pro Veritate, which later served as the mouthpiece of the Christian Institute (CI) and the CI itself, were - since their inception - seen as contentious issues by both the NG Kerk and Government because of the challenge to apartheid. The church immediately instituted strong measures to suppress Pro Veritate and the Christian Institute initiatives. This was applauded from the political side, particularly in the Transvaal, where certain Afrikaans newspapers gave their full support to it. Decisions were taken by the Southern Transvaal Synod to discourage ministers from contributing to Pro Veri tate and to prevent them from becoming members of the CI. The CI leaders, in particular, had to be silenced. After the General Synod finally rejected the Christian Institute, a long and heart-rending history of church persecution of Naude as leader and Engelbrecht as theologian of the CI followed. It all took place within the boundaries of the Parkhurst parish, of which the Naude and Engelbrecht families were members. Parkhurst parish was part of the circuit of Johannesburg. Strong pressure was exerted on the church council of Parkhurst and the circuit of Johannesburg to censure these members in order to silence them. Disciplinary measures had to be employed to get rid of these voices against the policy of separateness. The church leadership played a prominent role in these efforts. In the intensity with which the campaign was waged in and through the circuit of Johannesburg and the Parkhurst parish, it became evident - as nowhere else - how strong the NG Kerk felt about apartheid. When eventually the Government investigated and banned the CI and confined Dr Naude to his home, the church silently acclaimed what was being done. After all, the NG Kerk had from the very beginning not differed from the Government with regard to the CI. The biblical protest of the CI against apartheid was, of necessity, also a protest against the close ties of the NG Kerk with the Government and National Party. With time, however, the CI also moved into a process of politicisation. Black power and black political aspirations became the major driving forces behind the CI. In the middle seventies it became increasingly clear that a strong relationship had developed between the CI and the African National Congress (ANC). The history of the CI ended in immense irony. This organisation which took its stand on Scripture and courageously warned against the support by the church of a political party and structural violence in serving apartheid, ended in close co-operation with the ANC as a political party which committed itself to the armed struggle to overthrow the Government. There was also the irony that in their struggle against the ali gnment of the NG Kerk wi th the political theology to the right, the CI and its director aligned themselves to a South African version of the theology of liberation - a political theology to the left in which the Gospel of Jesus Christ is struck in the heart. And just as the NG Kerk in its political alignment remained silent about the violence of apartheid - so the CI eventually became silent about the violence of the political party in its struggle against apartheid.

Post-apartheid writing has been characterized by an ardent search for a voice that truly depicts the painful apartheid past. The establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) promoted a confessional mode of writing as a means to obtaining healing, hence reconstitution. Such a paradigm shift in writing necessitated imagined characters to re-invent and re-align themselves with the new post-apartheid dispensation if they were to remain relevant to South African readership. Reinvention of characters is made possible through several means and various organs of reconstitution such as history, narration, possession of one’s landscape and a disavowal of belonging as depicted in The Native Commissioner. This study seeks to examine the process of self-constitution undergone by the co-protagonist and surrogate narrator, Sam Jameson, following his failure to function as an individual and father in post-apartheid South Africa. To this end, a close reading of the novel is done, to better understand the context of Sam’s trauma. The study traces the self-reconstitutive process of Sam from the moment he decides to re-visit his father’s past, to the moment when he finds release from the trauma. I argue that an investigation of his father’s life, as well as his, ultimately gives him agency over his own. Sam’s identity shifts from his childhood past, in which apartheid exerts primary influence, to that of an adult who lives in the post-apartheid moment, having come to terms with his past. Telling his story, to him becomes an act of re-creation and self-invention and the means by which he formulates his own identity. At the end of the story, it is a totally liberated individual that the reader witnesses. / English Studies / M.A. (English)

The struggle reaches back to the days of the first white settlement in our country. In this chapter we will look at some of these traditions of our struggle. We will learn more about the people who were in South Africa when the settlers came, and how they fought bravely to live in peace on their land. We will also read about the many changes that happened, particularly after diamonds and gold were discovered and how people continued to struggle against the new conditions that made their lives even harder. / “We call the farmers of the reserves and trust lands. Let us speak of the wide land, and the narrow strips on which we toil. Let us speak of brothers without land, and of children without schooling. Let us speak of taxes and of cattle, and of famine. LET US SPEAK OF FREEDOM.”

This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate. / Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts

The past few months have seen our courageous youth take to the streets to demonstrate their disgust against this system of exploitation and oppression. This militant fervour has touched many young hearts and minds. However, there is always the danger that these energies will burn out and dissipate. Demoralisation can so easily set in if these energies are not constructively channeled. "Channeled into what?” you may ask. ORGANISATIONS. It is only through strong organisations which attempt to give guidance and direction that meaningful action can be undertaken. The WCYL recognises the important need for students to begin to discuss broader issues such as The History of Struggle in S.A. or The Nature of S.A. Society. It is only when students begin to grapple with broader issues such as these, together with more specific ones, in a co-ordinated manner, will their actions be more effective. To this end has "GET ORGANISED" been designed. The handbook is intended as a guide for students in their efforts to organise SRC’s, awareness programmes, among other things, in schools.

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Student Number: 0104318V - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / The corporate middle class, or managers, occupies a contradictory class location in capitalist relations of production. While they do not own the means of production, this class stratum is not exploited like the working class. This class position, however, is bound to be different for a black manager whose advancement in the workplace may be due to government attempts to economically empower black people to redress the injustices imposed by the racially dominated social structure of the past. Through a Weberian understanding of social stratification as based on class, social status and power, this research aims to unearth how members of the African corporate middle class understand their position and roles in South African workplaces and communities. It also goes deeper to scrutinise the impact of this structural position on their agency. It is shown that their contradictory class location is exacerbated by their race. African managers constantly negotiate their positions and roles in their workplaces and communities. Indeed, while their managerial position affords them spaces that they could not have occupied during the apartheid era, their racial character lessens their ability to manoeuvre within these spaces. This can be identified both in workplaces and communities. It is shown that their middle-class status cannot be consolidated because of their perceived lower social status and less power to influence decision making in their organisations. Furthermore, it is shown that, although not all of the interviewees moved to middle-class areas, there is an indication of alienation in previously white-only residential areas. This is further exacerbated by expectations from their former communities and members of their extended families. As a result of high levels of unemployment in African communities, members of this group are actively contributing to uplift members of their extended families.

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the management and development of cricket in South Africa with particular reference to Natal. The objectives of this evaluation included Highlighting the period of cricket prior to unification; Describing the unification process and the conditions necessary for unity; and Evaluation of the development programmes at national and provincial levels. The extensive area of investigation and the vastness of the area of study, restricts this research to specific aspects that are pertinent to the topic. The objectives of the study therefore focus on the following : To provide a theoretical foundation and analysis of administration, organisation and structure, and development, in order to establish whether the current situation did in fact meet with the objectives of the unification process; To investigate the effects of the apartheid policy on sport in South Africa; and To provide a critical appraisal of existing development programmes in order to enhance the knowledge and literature-base of cricket administration in South Africa. Within the framework of this research, and the theoretical foundations of cricket administration and development, the effects of the government's policy of "Apartheid", the emergence of the non-racial sports struggle, the unification process, and the structure of cricket with particular emphasis on the development programmes both at national and provincial levels, are discussed. The conclusion, which draws inferences from each chapter, provides certain recommendations pertaining to the following: The establishment of a National Sports Coordinating Body; The development of a National Development Policy; The establishment of a National Development Fund; The Development of Talented Players; The Development of Officials; The Development of Clubs; The Provision of Facilities; The establishment of School Cricket Unification; and Control and Accountability. It is hoped that the recommendations and suggestions made address some aspects of the various issues raised about the unification process in cricket in South Africa. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Durban-Westville, Durban, 1993.