This thesis examines nationalism and colonialism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and asks the questions: What is the relationship between these ideologies and "national narratives" constructed of collective historical memory? How do these ideologies produce recognizable, sexualized, national bodies? What are the defining characteristics of these national bodies and how do they perform roles from the national narratives? These questions are addressed through a discussion of the role of masculinity in modern Zionism and the state of Israel, in particular how it relates to the land of Palestine and the Palestinian "other". This thesis also addresses anti-colonial resistance movements in Palestine and argues that performative nationalism produces a fetishized commodity that can me labeled "militancy". This militancy is found institutionalized in the popular culture of everything from poetry to political posters. Finally, Palestinian female suicide bombers, like women nationalists before them, do little to challenge how specific nationalist acts of resistance are defined by patriarchal nationalists and sexualized within a "gendered space of militancy".

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Harvard University, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 641-658).

La présente recherche aborde la question de la lutte contre la délinquance dans le monde arabo-musulman à travers l’exemple de trois pays arabes : l’Algérie, l’Egypte et l’Arabie Saoudite. Malgré une mise en oeuvre parfois problématique de leur politique criminelle et des carences réelles sur le plan des Droits de l’Homme, les régimes autoritaires arabes, qui sont soumis à la pression de la mondialisation, reçoivent les textes onusiens, souhaitent être efficaces dans leur lutte contre le crime et sont tenus de suivre une dynamique positive. Ils témoignent d’une évolution qui les conduit à développer des dispositifs de lutte contre la délinquance et le terrorisme associant une pluralité d’acteurs autour de deux dimensions, répressive et sociale. Recherche de l’efficacité, pluridisciplinarité en construction, coopération et standards internationaux, autant d’aspects qui nous donnent à observer des dispositifs de lutte contre la délinquance qui se rapprochent des schémas que nous connaissons en France. / This research addresses the issue of the fight against crime in the Arab-Muslim world through the example of three Arab countries: Algeria, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.Despite a sometimes problematic implementation of their criminal policy and real deficiencies in terms of Human Rights , Arab authoritarian regimes , which are subject to the pressures of globalization , receive the UN texts , wish to be effective in their fight against crime and are required to follow a positive dynamic. They reflect an evolution that led to the development of devices fight against crime and terrorism involving a plurality of actors around two dimensions, repressive and social. Search effectiveness, multidisciplinarity under construction, cooperation and international standards, all of which give us observe devices fight against crime that approximate patterns that we know in France.

The problem of this study was to determine the personal, social, and academic adjustment problems of Arab students at selected Texas institutions of higher education. The students in this study were 315 undergraduate and graduate Arab students attending four Texas institutions of higher education who were enrolled in the spring semester of 1979. The purpose of this study was twofold: (1) to identify the personal, social, and academic adjustment problems perceived by Arab students; and (2) to analyze and to interpret the data in relation to the adjustment problems of full-time Arab students included in this study. Results indicated that the Arab students were in general agreement concerning the questionnaires; no significant differences were found at the .05 level between male and female Arab students, married and single Arab students, and undergraduate and graduate Arab students. Recommendations were included which suggested that faculty and administrators who interact with Arab students be acquainted with the findings of the study. Orientation programs should be provided for Arab students, and the possibility of developing and enhancing the students' academic and non-academic experiences by identifying those individuals who have the ability and interest necessary for working with Arab students should be examined. Better communication should be developed and programs should be implemented to facilitate better understanding and respect between Arab students and Americans.

This doctoral thesis explores the contexts of utopian writing and thinking in the Nahda, the Arab 'Awakening' of the long nineteenth century. Utopian forms of social imagination were responses to fundamental changes in the societies of the Arab-Ottoman world brought about by integration into a capitalist world economy and a European-dominated political system. Much Nahda writing was permeated by a sense of a 'New Age' opening and of wide horizons for future change - and this was not simply illusory, but a direct response to actual and massive changes being wrought in the writers' social world. My study focusses on Egypt and Bilad al-Sham in the middle decades of the nineteenth century, from the early 1830s to the mid-1870s. An initial chapter offers a definition of the social classes and groups which contributed to the Nahda in these years - such as the Beiruti bourgeoisie and the Egyptian-Ottoman official class - drawing on the work of Arab Marxists such as Mahdi 'Amil and social historians such as Bruce Masters. The following chapters deal in detail with writings produced by three distinct cultural formations within the Nahda movement, and with different aspects of their social imagination. Chapter 2 examines the discourse of civilisation (tamaddun) through the work of the Beiruti writers Khalil al-Khuri and Butrus al-Bustani in the 1850s and 1860s. Chapter 3 deals with Nahda writers' sense of their place within the European-dominated world, mainly through translations of geography books made by Rifa'a al-Tahtawi in Mehmed Ali's Egypt in the 1830s and 1840s. Chapter 4 examines the utopian aspirations of the Nahda, through a close study of the major utopian literary work of the period, Fransis Marrash's Ghabat al-Haqq (The Forest of Justice, 1865). Finally, a conclusion places my study in relation to other recent work in the field of 'Nahda studies'.

When the Arab Spring took place, it took the world by surprise and sparked renewed interest in the idea of revolution. With differing opinions on what caused such a revolutionary wave throughout the North African and Middle Eastern region, many began looking at their own countries, and South Africa was no different. A debate was sparked in South Africa, as to whether there would be a revolution or not. What I originally set out to accomplish is to find out which side of the debate would be correct through the philosophical context of revolutionary theory. Initially, we attempted to define and consider the history of revolutionary theory. We found that revolutionary theory has gone through four generation and that even finding a theoretically informed definition is difficult. Following this, we considered some social-psychological theories of revolution as well as theories of moral indignation. We found that these theories were incredibly informative and that they provide some insight into the reasoning for revolutionary fear in the South African debate. Through the use of opinion pieces, we then considered the South African debate, and – using socialpsychological theories and the theories of moral indignation - found that both sides of the argument had valuable points, however, they often lacked some foresight. With tentative agreement, we found that the side arguing that there would a revolution in South Africa had a more valuable argument, despite its limitations. However, far more research is required before one can – with more accuracy – predict a revolutionary occurrence in such a way as was done in South Africa.

Diploma thesis "From evil Turk to comrades and back" deals with the ability to use power to overlay one dominant discourse by the another. In our case local orientalist discourse by the new communist one. We have analysed media representations of selected Middle Eastern countries and people living there, published in broadsheet Pravda in two different periods - in 1984 and after 2014. We have analysed more than 50 articles from 1984, and 160 titles, photos and introductions published after 2014. Communist discourse dominated in the 80's Pravda newspaper, accompanied with relevant framing, stereotypes and binary opposites. But this shift was only temporal, and nowadays Pravda shows a comeback to orientalism as defined by Edward Said and others, as well as being present in Slovak folk and art literature for a long time before. Media shifted the narrative from the evil Turk to vicious American, while Islam and "us" vs. "them" division was made irrelevant. On the other hand, class divides were put into the spotlight, with the political left being unifying international element spanning the globe. 30 years later Pravda operates with typical orientalistic framing again - Islam, oriental tyrrany, irrationality or religious bigotry and fanaticism. We have also, as collateral result of the analysis, found...

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Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The First World War's 1916 Arab Revolt has become, in the West, a renowned episode in part because of the presence of one dominating character: T.E. Lawrence. However, "Lawrence of Arabia" is only the most prominent of the many Western agents sent to advise the Revolt. The narratives of these advisers have come to dominate the most Westerners popular conception of the Arab uprising. Most scholars have portrayed the British advisers to the Arab Revolt as "pro-Arab." The aim of this thesis is to challenge that portrayal through a careful analysis of the writings (published and unpublished) and actions of the four advisers: T.E. Lawrence, Sir Ronald Storrs, Major Sir Hubert Young, Lt Col. Sir Percy Joyce. / I argue for a more subtle, complex, heterogeneous version of the advisers Pro-Arab approach. By examining the advisers' published accounts and the available archival resources the contrast between the rhetoric surrounding their legends and the actual practice of their war experiences will be laid bare. The goal of the thesis is to use primary sources to demonstrate, in various areas of their relationships with Arabs, a discourse of superiority versus inferiority. This work has consequently attempted to present a less altruistic agenda emerging from the advisers' wartime conduct. In its place I have demonstrated numerous instances where they coerced and enforced their own interpretation of Arab desires and even an "Arab" identity onto the Revolt itself and furthermore, cemented these interpretations into Western popular culture.