The current economic crisis has led the leaders of the European states to decrease their spending on defense. This paper argues that if this reduction in public spending is not offset by the increase in international cooperation than the military capability of the region is going to deteriorate in the near future. The argument that the defense budgets are decreasing is based on the analysis of the data available for the public defense expenditures. Further six case studies of EU states are presented showing that the potential decrease in capability is observable in a wide range of EU countries. The case for greater international cooperation is based on the economic theory of comparative advantage and benefits of competition in the defense market. Furthermore, academic literature supporting this hypothesis is also presented to the reader throughout the paper. The conclusion of this paper is that the current tendency of governmental politicians of EU countries to ignore the need for greater international cooperation in the defense sector is unsustainable and that if European Union wants to maintain its position as one of the world power blocks, systematic reform of the EU defense market will need to be introduced.

The primary goal of this thesis is to analyze and compare the impact of political and technological influences on the breakdown of disarmament efforts between the two world wars. This issue is approached by analyzing the string of disarmament conferences that took place in the interwar period and restrictions placed on the German military imposed by the Treaty of Versailles. The theory that serves both as inspiration and a tool to examine the subject is the Actor-network theory originating from École nationale supérieure des mines de Paris. This theory is used to view the subject in a new light. The author places military technology, the political movement of disarmament, and especially restrictions of Germany on par with states and international organizations. While the political turmoil and causes and effects are well researched and documented, the technological aspects of the issue less so. The author asks if the disarmament efforts were realistic in their scope. Whether a state abiding by the new rules could even mount a feasible defence in a case of attack and retain offensive capabilities. Whether the technology itself allowed the existence of alternative weapon systems not breaking these rules. And in the case of Germany, whether these restrictions were effectively limiting German potential...

Current revolutions in biotechnology and neuroscience are changing military technologies, necessitating dramatic re-evaluations in arms regulatory regimes. This study assesses how these new technologies can be used in weapons systems - by governments and terrorists alike - and whether this frightening development can be brought under effective international control. Malcolm Dando begins by surveying the existing (and arguably inadequate) control mechanisms for chemical and biological weapons. He then discusses how earlier generations of toxin and bioregulatory weapons have been used by such states as Iraq, the Soviet Union and the USA, and explains, in non-technical terms, the implications for new weapons technology. Considering how international law might be applied to constrain undesirable military developments without restricting technological developments for peaceful purposes, Dando concludes with a proposal for an integrated control regime that would link international agreements, national legislation, and trade regulations.

Efforts to control small arms and light weapons (SALW) in the periods following violent conflict can have positive or negative impacts on peacebuilding efforts. Similarly, peacebuilding activities can both support or endanger efforts to place SALW under greater control. Despite the regular occurrence of SALW control and peacebuilding activities in the same time and space in post violent conflict contexts, there is insignificant analysis of how the two sets of activities interrelate, and how these interelationships can be strengthened to improve the contribution that SALW control efforts make to peacebuilding, and vice-versa. The effects of interrelationships over time (contingency); in the same geographic space (complementarity) and the effects of public perceptions and social construction are particularly important and provide a framework for establishing these interrelationships through analysing a wide universe of cases of SALW control attempted in countries emerging from violent conflict, five mini-cases studies and a major analysis of interrelationships in Kosovo.

No description available.

No / The illegal proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) is a global problem, and one consequence of this illicit trade is that regions can become flooded with these guns before, during and following a violent conflict. Effective tracing of these arms requires adequate marking and record-keeping systems as well as improved international co-operation by relevant authorities. This publication argues that the main obstacles to progress in this area are political in nature, rather than technological. Other issues discussed include: the selection of categories and types of SALWs for inclusion in a tracing mechanism; and the structures and institutions required for an effective firearms tracing system.

In late December 2000 the Ministry of Justice and Security of the Argentine province of Mendoza completed the first phase of the programme Canje de Armas por Mejores Condiciones de Vida, hereafter referred to as the Arms Exchange Programme, as part of a multi-faceted long-term approach to transform the public security climate. Two hundred eighty five pistols, revolvers and shotguns were voluntarily turned in by citizens for destruction in exchange for vouchers for foodstuffs and tickets to football games with values ranging from US $50 to $100. Participants were able to make contact with the programme organisers through a toll-free telephone line. Prior to the firearm turn-in component a public education effort was coordinated in the school system that culminated in a violent toy turn-in and destruction drive that brought in thousands of toy guns and video games for public destruction and incorporation into displays of art. The overwhelmingly positive response to the first phase of the programme inspired organisers to launch a second phase of weapons collection on 10 April 2001 including sectors of the province outside the Greater Mendoza area. Although the second phase was scheduled to end on 24 April 2001 it had to be extended on two separate occasions in response to enthusiastic requests from several localities that were not originally scheduled to host the Arms Exchange Programme. The second phase, which lasted six weeks, collected a total of 2,281 weapons and 6,547 rounds of ammunition, bringing in a total of 2,566 weapons and 8,262 rounds of ammunition for both phases combined. Arguably, the town of San Rafael, where 809 revolvers, pistols, shotguns and rifles were turned in over the course of four days, in the southern section of Mendoza province, saw more weapons turned in per capita than any other programme in the world to date.

No / Biting the Bullet prepared a series of briefing papers on key issues for international agreement which fed into the July 2001 UN Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All its Aspects. At this conference, UN member states agreed a Programme of Action which is the primary global framework for tackling the proliferation of SALW. Biting the Bullet is currently engaged in two major areas of activity related to the implementation and further development of the Programme of Action. . Biting the Bullet, in partnership with the International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA), produced a report monitoring states implementation of the programme of action for the 2003 Biennial Meeting of States (BMS) 'Implementing the Programme of Action 2003, followed by 2005 and 2006.

The aim of the thesis is to analyse the effectiveness of the current global regulation of the arms trade and the regional EU regulation. In the first chapter trends in the conventional arms trade, main exporters together with key import regions, motivation of both exporter and importer for participation in the arms trade are presented. Second chapter deals with the impacts of the international arms trade and assesses the global regulation of the arms trade. The impact of the international arms trade on sustainable development in the importing country is presented as the key one. Last chapter focuses on the analysis of the EU regulation of the international arms trade. The thesis does not introduce comlex listing of future provisions, but rather focuses on major issues, stressing criteria that should not be omitted or vaguely formulated in the prospective global regulation of the arms trade.

La prolifération des armes légères et de petit calibre est un phénomène nouvellement saisi par le droit international. En tant que menace pour la paix et la sécurité internationale, elle fait, depuis la fin de la guerre froide, l’objet d’attentions grandissantes. Tout d’abord abordée par des organisations internationales régionales, elle constitue désormais le domaine d’action privilégié de l’Organisation des Nations Unies en matière de désarmement. Néanmoins, la construction d’une lutte contre la prolifération ambitieuse et cohérente est difficile et doit faire face à des oppositions nombreuses justifiées par des intérêts étatiques profondément divergents. Le corpus normatif adopté est donc sujet à d’importantes limites et insuffisances. Par ailleurs, les instruments classiques de l’ordre juridique international apparaissent inaptes à garantir l’effectivité de ces nouvelles règles qui étendent le champ du droit international. La lutte contre la prolifération nécessite, pour être effective, de reposer sur des mécanismes plus approfondis que ceux régissant le droit international de la coopération duquel les règles classiques de désarmement étaient jusqu’alors issues. / The proliferation of small arms and light weapons has only recently been inquired into by international law. As for threatening the global peace and security, it has increasingly been scrutinized since the end of the Cold War. First handled by regional international organizations, it henceforth constitutes, regarding disarmament, the elected field of action for the United Nations. Structuring, nevertheless, an ambitious and coherent action against this proliferation appears quite challenging and has thus to overcome numerous oppositions grounded in profoundly diverging static interests. The current body of norms appears rather limited and inadequate. Furthermore, the classical instruments of the international legal order do not seem suitable to secure the effectiveness of those recent norms that expand the reach of international law. Successfully acting against this proliferation requires to relying on mechanisms that are deeper than the current international law of cooperation, and out of which the classical rules of disarmament have been hitherto extracted.