The roles of phonetics (e.g., Jun 1995, Holt 1997, Steriade 2001) and Articulatory Phonology (AP, Browman and Goldstein 1986, et seq.) in both the diachronic evolution of and synchronic analyses for phonological processes are relatively recent incorporations into Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004, McCarthy and Prince 1993/2001). I continue this line of inquiry by offering an AP-based OT proposal of three fricative-vowel assimilations in Latin American Spanish: /f/>[x] velarization (fui [xui] "I went"), /f/>[phi] bilabialization (fumo "I smoke") and /x/>[ç] palatalization (gente [çente] "people"). In this dissertation, I pursue three main objectives: to update and clarify via empirical study and spectral analysis the available data; to account for the crosslinguistically recurrent phonological patterns that affect fricative-vowel sequences; and to explain the above processes' genesis and diffusion in Latin American Spanish by integrating the first two goals into an Optimality Theoretic framework. Concerning the first task, data for the three processes are culled primarily from sociolinguistic corpora (Perissinotto 1975, Resnick 1975, Sanicky 1988, inter alia). Lacking from these accounts are detailed phonetic analyses. To fill this gap, I report on a four-part perception and production study designed to update the descriptive facts and provide spectral analyses for the allophonic variants. Regarding the second goal, I show that fricatives are susceptible to regressive consonant-vowel assimilation given the recurrence of assimilatory patterns nearly identical to the Spanish processes under investigation in disparate languages throughout the world. I argue that articulatory and acoustic facts conspire to render place features in (non-sibilant) fricatives difficult to recover given the vast interspeaker, intraspeaker and crosslinguistic variability in production (e.g., Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996) and the greater reliance on fricative-vowel transitional cues as opposed to cues internal to the frication on the part of the hearer (e.g., Manrique and Massone 1981, Feijóo and Fernández 2003). To that end, I argue that the sound changes originate(d) with the hearer's misperception of a speaker's extremely coarticulated target (Baker, Archangeli and Mielke 2011, inter alia). The dissertation concludes with a proposal adapting Jun (1995) that encodes the above articulatory and acoustic facts into an AP-based, typologically-minded OT approach that accounts both diachronically and synchronically for /f/ velarization, /f/ bilabialization and /x/ palatalization in Spanish (updating previous analyses by Lipski 1995 and Mazzaro 2005, 2011).

Orientador: Plínio Almeida Barbosa / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T08:58:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lima-Gregio_AvelinyMantovan_D.pdf: 2533583 bytes, checksum: 7d9212f2ef11e1b2e829368236a2934d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Os objetivos deste estudo foram: 1) caracterizar a produção de oclusiva glotal de sujeitos com fissura palatina, a partir da percepção deste fenômeno pelos profissionais da área; 2) comparar as produções de cinco sujeitos sem fissura palatina (Grupo Controle - GC) com as de cinco sujeitos com fissura palatina (Grupo Teste - GT) na produção de laringalização em relação às regiões de fronteira; e 3) avançar no entendimento das articulações compensatórias (AC) e da teoria dos sistemas dinâmicos. O corpus consistiu na leitura de um texto realizada por ambos os grupos. A análise da oclusiva glotal foi realizada após a identificação de sua presença por cinco fonoaudiólogos experientes no diagnóstico e avaliação das AC e/ou disfunção velofaríngea (DVF). Em seguida, para cada produção foi observada a presença de três parâmetros (burst, formantes de transição e laringalização). Foi realizado um experimento de percepção, a partir da manipulação do sinal áudio de um participante do GC. Então, a análise prosódica da laringalização foi realizada. Quanto à análise da oclusiva glotal, os resultados mostraram que a presença de formantes de transição e burst foi determinante para a dúvida dos profissionais. Na ausência destes dois parâmetros, os juízes foram significativamente unânimes em afirmar a presença de oclusiva glotal. A presença de laringalização ajudou os fonoaudiólogos a julgarem a ocorrência da oclusiva glotal. A ocorrência de laringalização para o GC foi maior nas regiões de fronteira prosódica, enquanto que para o GT foi dentro e fora destas regiões. O experimento de percepção revelou um estímulo ambíguo, embora com significância estatística para concordância entre os juízes. A discussão foi norteada pelos pressupostos teóricos da Fonologia Articulatória, derivada do modelo de Browman e Goldstein (1990) e da Fonética Cognitiva de Tatham (1994). Discutiu-se ainda o estado da glote, a partir do conceito de válvulas laríngeas (Edmondson e Esling, 2006). A análise da oclusiva glotal evidenciou dois aspectos: a utilização de diferentes válvulas laríngeas e a proposta de um gesto glotal tripartido. A análise da laringalização sugere falha na supervisão do gesto glotal, o acoplamento da oclusiva glotal e da laringalização, e ação das fronteiras como atratores para as laringalizações / Abstract: The objectives of this study were: 1) to characterize the production of glottal stop of individuals with cleft palate, from the perception of this phenomenon by professionals; 2) to compare the productions of five subjects without cleft palate (Control Group - GC) and five subjects with cleft palate (Test Group - GT) to produce laryngealization in relation to border regions; and 3) improve the understanding of compensatory articulations (AC) and the theory of dynamical systems. The corpus consisted of the reading of the same text by both groups. The analysis of the glottal stop was made after identifying the presence by five speech pathologists (judges) experienced in the diagnosis and assessment of AC and/or velopharyngeal dysfunction (DVF). Then, for each production up to three parameters (burst, formant transition and laryngealization) were observed. A speech perception experiment was conducted after manipulating the audio signal of a participant in the GC. Then, the prosodic analysis of laryngealization was carried out. As regards the glottal stops, the results showed that the presence of burst and formant transition was responsible for ambiguous judgments. When these two parameters were absent, the judges were unanimous in signaling the presence of a glottal stop. The presence of laryngealization helped speech pathologists to identify glottal stop. For GC, the occurrence of laryngealization was in the prosodic boundary while for the GT laryngealization occurred everywhere. The speech perception experiment revealed an ambiguous stimulus, although a statistically significant correlation between the judges. The discussion was guided by theoretical assumptions of Articulatory Phonology, derived from the Browman and Goldstein's (1990) model and Tatham's (1994) Cognitive Phonetics. It was also discussed the state of the glottis, from the concept of laryngeal valves (Edmondson and Esling, 2006). Analysis of the glottal stop emphasizing two aspects: the use of different laryngeal valves and a proposed tripartite glottal gesture. The laryngealization analysis suggests failure of the supervisor component of the glottal gesture, the glottal stop and laryngealization coupling and the boundary regions as attractors for laryngealization / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística

Orientador: Eleonora Cavalcante Albano / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T03:04:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigues_LucianaLessa1982-_M.pdf: 2139458 bytes, checksum: 3337b6106de977a088590d68d333e75d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: O objetivo deste estudo foi investigar o processo de aquisição dos róticos por crianças com queixa fonoaudiológica relacionada ao sistema fônico. Foram coletados dados de fala de dois sujeitos com dificuldades de pronúncia de sons róticos. O quadro de referência teórico adotado na análise foi a Fonologia Gestual (Fonologia Articulatória ¿ FAR ¿ proposta por Browman e Goldstein, 1992, na versão denominada Fonologia Acústico-Articulatória ¿ FAAR ¿ proposta por Albano, 2001). Os resultados permitiram observar a presença de contrastes fônicos nas produções de fala dos sujeitos que, por meio de análise de outiva, foram classificadas como: (a) omissão do tap [R]; e (b) substituição tanto do tap [R] quanto da aproximante retroflexa [¿] pela semivogal [j]. Esse achado permitiu confirmar a existência de contrastes fônicos encobertos durante o processo de aquisição do sistema fônico, ou seja, contrastes já em andamento na fala dos sujeitos que ainda não são perceptíveis para o ouvinte. Esses resultados trouxeram, portanto, importantes contribuições para a área de pesquisa sobre Aquisição Fonológica e, conseqüentemente, para a prática clínica relativa a crianças com queixa fonoaudiológica relacionada ao sistema fônico. Tais contribuições foram possíveis devido à metodologia e análise dos dados baseados em princípios da FAAR, que permitiu a observação de fatos fônicos tanto categóricos quanto gradientes / Abstract: The aim of this study was to investigate the acquisition of rhotic sounds in children with so called deviant phonological systems. Speech data on two subjects with rhotic pronunciation difficulties were collected. The theoretical frame of reference adopted in the analysis was Gestural Phonology (Articulatory Phonology ¿ AP ¿ proposed by Browman and Goldstein, 1992, in the Acoustic-Articulatory version ¿ AAP ¿ proposed by Albano, 2001). The results showed the presence of covert phone contrasts in the speech productions of the subjects. Such productions had been classified, auditorily, as: (a) omission of the tap [R]; and (b) substitution of the palatal approximant [j] for both the tap [R] and the retroflex approximant [¿]. This finding suggests the existence of covert contrasts during phonological acquisition, i.e., contrasts already in progress in the speech of the subjects which are not yet perceivable for the listener. These results brought, therefore, important contributions to Phonological Acquisition research and, consequently, to the clinical practice with children diagnosed as having deviant phonological systems. Such contributions have been made possible by methodology and analysis based on principles of Gestural Phonology, which allowed for the observation of categorical and gradients phone distinctions / Mestrado / Linguistica / Mestre em Linguística

Orientador: Eleonora Cavalcante Albano / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T00:01:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Meneses_Francisco_M.pdf: 3600241 bytes, checksum: 3773bdafbef97346d85bb068f8bd4a65 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Este trabalho examina o processo de produção de vogais desvozeadas no português brasileiro (doravante PB). O objetivo é, a partir de uma visão de cunho dinâmico, mostrar que há, no sinal das chamadas sílabas desvozeadas, rastros da vogal que impossibilitam uma hipótese de síncope vocálica. Além disso, busca-se uma síntese teórica das pistas acústicas encontradas a fim de relacioná-las à articulação das vogais desvozeadas. Para tanto, uma análise acústico-articulatória foi realizada a partir da gravação da leitura de frases-veículos. As leituras das frases foram realizadas por seis sujeitos do sexo feminino, naturais de Vitória da Conquista - BA, sem queixas de fala ou audição. As gravações foram realizadas em uma cabine acústica, por meio de gravador digital. A análise instrumental foi realizada por meio do software PRAAT. Foram obtidas as medidas de duração da sílaba e do ruído fricativo, as medidas do centroide do ruído e os valores da Razão de centralização formântica (doravante FCR) e a Área de espaço vocálico (doravante VSA) das vogais em contexto de desvozeamento. Os resultados encontrados mostram que há um gradiente de desvozeamento manifestado de três maneiras: as medidas de duração, assim como as medidas do primeiro momento espectral, mostraram que pistas remanescentes do gesto vocálico permanecem no ruído das fricativas; os dados de FCR e VSA mostram que as vogais sofrem uma grande redução da magnitude em contexto de desvozeamento. Os resultados apontam para um efeito de sobreposição de gestos, em detrimento de uma síncope vocálica. Essa hipótese não caberia em descrições fonológicas tradicionais, as quais, em geral, lidam com operações simbólicas. O fenômeno em estudo pode, então, ser iluminado pela Fonologia Gestual (BROWMAN E GOLDSTEIN, 1992; BALL E KENT, 1997; ALBANO, 2001), a qual, em relação à representação tradicional, é capaz de expressar realizações gradientes, pois incorpora com sucesso os fatores tempo e magnitude, diretamente relacionados à ideia de movimento dos articuladores / Abstract: This paper examines the production of devoiced vowels in Brazilian Portuguese. The goal is to depart from a dynamic view to show that there are vowel traces in the signal of devoiced syllables, a fact which weakens the hypothesis of vowel syncope. In addition, we seek a theoretical synthesis of the acoustic cues found in order to relate them to devoiced vowel articulation. To this end, an acoustic-articulatory analysis was performed from the recording of read carrier sentences. The sentences were read by six female subjects, from Vitória da Conquista - BA, without speech or hearing problems. The recordings were performed in an acoustic booth, using a digital recorder. The instrumental analysis was performed using the PRAAT software. The following measurements were made: the duration of the syllable and its fricative noise, the centroid of the noise and the values of formant centralization ratio (FCR) and vowel space area (VSA) of vowels in devoicing context. The results show that there is gradient devoicing manifested in three ways: both the duration measurements and the first spectral moment measures showed that the vowel gesture cues remain in fricative noise signal; FCR and VSA data show that vowels undergo great magnitude reduction in the devoicing context. The results indicate an effect of overlapping gestures, rather than vowel syncope. This hypothesis would not fit into traditional phonological descriptions, which usually deal with symbolic operations. The phenomenon under study can thus then be illuminated by Gestural Phonology (BROWMAN AND GOLDSTEIN, 1992; BALL AND KENT, 1997; ALBANO, 2001), which, as opposed to traditional representation, is able to express gradients, as it incorporates successfully the factors of timing and magnitude, directly related to the idea of articulator movement / Mestrado / Linguistica / Mestre em Linguística

Le bribri est une langue chibcha parlée au Costa Rica (Amérique Centrale). Les langues chibcha représentent la principale famille de l’Aire Intermédiaire (Constenla 1991), qui relie la Mesoamérique aux zones amazonienne et andine. Ce sont cependant toutes des langues en danger, encore relativement peu décrites.Cette thèse est une analyse de la phonologie du bribri (Schlabach 1974 ; Wilson 1974 ; Constenla 1981 ; Jara 2004), problématisée autour de ses caractéristiques typologiques :(i) Le système nasal : le bribri fait partie des rares langues du monde dans lesquelles la nasalité n’est pas distinctive pour les consonnes. Les consonnes nasales présentes dans l’output sont le résultat d’harmonies nasales (Cohn 1993 ; Walker 1998, 2001) et d’hypervoisement par abaissement du voile du palais (Iverson & Salmons 1996 ; Solé 2009). Alors que le premier processus avait en partie été décrit pour le bribri (Wilson 1970 ; Constenla 1982, 1985 ; Tohsaku 1987), le second n’avait pas encore été identifié.(ii) La consonne /tk/ : une unité distinctive, combinant deux lieux, sans pour autant être une consonne doublement articulée, contrairement à ce qui avait précédemment été décrit (Lehmann 1920 ; Schlabach 1974 ; Wilson 1974 ; Constenla 1981 ; Jara 2004). Je propose de l’analyser comme une géminée modulée (contour segment, Sagey 1990).La présente étude s’inscrit dans la lignée des travaux qui considèrent que les structures phonologiques doivent être expliquées par des contraintes phonétiques, comme les travaux précurseurs d’Ohala (1975, 1981, 1983). J’utilise plus particulièrement le modèle de la Phonologie Articulatoire (Browman & Goldstein 1986, 1989). Les analyses s’appuient sur des données acoustiques, récoltées dans deux communautés bribri entre 2012 et 2014 (Bajo Coen - Coroma et Amubre).En plus d’une démarche typologique et phonétique, j’adopte une approche dialectale et diachronique, afin de mieux appréhender le système phonologique de la langue. / Bribri is a Chibchan language spoken in Costa Rica (Central America). Chibchan languages form the main family of the Intermediate Area (Constenla 1991), which links Mesoamerica to the Amazonian and the Andean regions. All of them are endangered and are still under described.This dissertation provides an analysis of Bribri phonology (Schlabach 1974; Wilson 1974; Constenla 1981; Jara 2004) problematized according to its typological characteristics:(i) The nasal system: Bribri is among the few languages in the world to lack distinctive nasal consonants. The nasal consonants present in the output result from nasal harmony (Cohn 1993; Walker 1998, 2001) and hypervoicing through velopharyngeal opening (Iverson & Salmons 1996; Solé 2009). While the first process has been partially described for Bribri (Wilson 1970; Constenla 1982, 1985; Tohsaku 1987), the second has not been individuated in the language.(ii) The consonant /tk/: the consonant /tk/ is a distinctive unit which combines two places of articulation. Contrary to what has been previously described (Lehmann 1920; Schlabach 1974; Wilson 1974; Constenla 1981; Jara 2004), it is not a doubly articulated consonant. I propose to analyse it as a contour geminate consonant (based on the concept of contour segment, Sagey 1990).Following Ohala’s pioneering work (1975, 1981, 1983), this work is based on the assumption that phonological structures must be explained by phonetic constraints. More specifically, I use the Articulatory Phonology frame (Browman & Goldstein 1986, 1989). The analysis is based on acoustic data collected among two Bribri communities, between 2012 and 2014 (Bajo Coen - Coroma and Amubre).Along the typological and phonetic approach, I have adopted a dialectal and diachronical point of view to better capture the phonological system of the language.

Les résultats obtenus en psycholinguistique via des études perceptives sur le traitement de la consonne de liaison montrent que le traitement de ce phénomène complexe n’est qu’imparfaitement prédit par les différentes théories phonologiques dans lesquelles il a été intégré de manière explicite. C’est pourquoi nous proposons dans cette thèse, qui s’inscrit dans une perspective résolument nouvelle, d’envisager la liaison du point de vue de la production et de la formaliser dans le cadre de la Phonologie articulatoire de Browman et Goldstein (1986). Ce modèle présente l’avantage d’une organisation directe entre phonologie et phonétique en utilisant une seule unité qui sert à la fois de primitive phonologique et d’unité d’action motrice dans la production de la parole : le geste articulatoire. Nous supposons que le statut phonologique de « segment flottant » proposé pour la consonne de liaison dans le cadre de la phonologie autosegmentale (Clements & Keyser, 1985 ; Encrevé 1988) puisse trouver un corrélat au niveau articulatoire et puisse être observé et mesuré expérimentalement. L’analyse qui vient à l’appui de cette hypothèse compare la consonne de liaison avec la consonne initiale de mot dans des contextes vocaliques identiques au moyen de mesures électro-palatographiques. Nos résultats suggèrent que la consonne de liaison est soumise à une modification quantitative des caractéristiques dynamiques qui lui sont associés. Les mouvements des articulateurs ainsi que les relations entre les gestes consonantique et vocalique sont ré-échelonnés en fonction de la position qu’occupe la consonne de manière graduelle. / Perceptual studies in the field of psycholinguistics on the processing of the liaison consonant have shown that this complex phenomenon is not perfectly predicted by the different phonological theories in which it has been explicitly integrated. In this thesis, we propose to investigate liaison from a totally new perspective, that is from a production point of view, and to formalise this phenomenon in the framework of Browman and Goldstein (1986)’s Articulatory Phonology. This model is advantageous as it provides a direct connection between phonology and phonetics where only one unit is used both as a phonological primitive and as a unit of motor action in speech production, that is articulatory gesture. In the Framework of autosegmental phonology (Clements & Keyser, 1985 ; Encrevé 1988), the phonological status of the liaison consonant is considered to be a floating segment. In this thesis, we hypothesise that there is a correlate at the articulatory level that can be observed and experimentally measured. This hypothesis is tested by comparing the liaison consonant with the word-initial consonant in identical vowel contexts by using electro-palatographical measurements.Results suggest that the liaison consonant is subjected to a quantitative modification of the dynamic caracteristics which are associated with it. The articulator movements, as well as the relations between consonant and vowel gestures, are gradually re-scaled according to the consonant position.