The selection of the subject "The effect of European Festivals on American Entertainment" was prompted by an assignment in a College of the Pacific Summer School course, "Supervision in the Elementary School." The project was the planning of a patrictic program in an immigrant community. Each nationality represented in the class was to provide a national impression of the homeland of his ancestors, by means of costume, song, and dance typical of the country. After an hour of very interesting entertainment which gave an introduction to the background of the foreign members of the class, all lustily sang "America," led by the Spirit of Freedom, whose lineage could be traced back to the Fathers of the American Revolution. That imaginary class, composed of many nationalities, was really a miniature of our nation which is referred to as "The melting Pot." In order to keep this thesis within bounds, investigations have been limited to six European countries --- namely, Greece, Rome (and modern Italy), England, Germany, France, and Spain. We in America have a tendency to hold a satisfied opinion of things American, forgetting that the basis for many of our so-called "American" customs comes from distant shores. Therefore it is rather enlightening to take such a universal celebration as Christmas and learn that very little of our "American" Christmas really originated here. In regard to the adaptations of the ancient festivals found in the United States and their influences on both the native and foreign population here, it has been a revelation to me to see how varied and numerous have been the references to them. Without the investigation and study which I have made on the subject, allusions made to its various phases on the radio, in lectures, in conversations, in current literature, and in advertising, would have passed by un-noticed.

This thesis seeks to analyze the international community's conflict management capabilities through its response to the Darfur crisis. Primarily, it aims to show through the lens of the Darfur crisis, which is widely accepted as the first genocide of the twenty-first century, that the international community has yet to develop a framework to collectively intervene in and resolve crimes against humanity. Additionally, this thesis will show the international community's recognition of their shortcomings through the gradual transformation of policies undertaken by several of its leading entities in response to the crisis. The research will pinpoint several major factors behind the lack of a unified global community acting in Darfur, such as geopolitical fragility between major international organizations, fragmentation caused by wars in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as the global War on Terror which occurred concurrently with the genocide in Darfur, and the underlying political and economic alliances that many major countries including the United States and China, enjoy with the Government of Sudan. The work will focus specifically on the United States, the United Nations, the European Union, and the African Union, analyzing the actions of each respective group in facilitating an end to the Darfur conflict. Ultimately, this thesis will use the research to conclude that the international community was willing to accept the Darfur genocide, with its death toll nearing four-hundred thousand and well over two million internally displaced peoples, in order to advance their respective global interests and preserve the status quo of global affairs in the early twenty-first century.

<p>In this thesis I examine the concept of certainty in the work of Ludwig Wittgenstein, with a focus on the collection of remarks entitled <em>On Certainty.</em> In the first part I examine two essays of G.E. Moore that initiated Wittgenstein’s discussion of certainty and critique of Moore’s two essays. As I show, Wittgenstein believes that Moore misunderstood the use of the expression of I know in relation to the propositions of common sense. Instead, Wittgenstein believes that the common sense propositions stand for a certainty that belongs to the language-game itself, a certainty that stands fast for everyone who participates in the language-game, like hinges on which the rest of our knowledge and doubt turn. The rest of my thesis is spent examining three different interpretations of this notion of hinge certainty. The first is hinges as presuppositions to combat skeptical arguments, offered by the philosophers Crispin Wright and H.J. Glock. The second is that hinges are Wittgenstein’s version of foundationalism, serving as the foundational framework of human language, a notion primarily advocated by the philosophers Avrum Stroll and Danièle Moyal-Sharrock. I then examine the interpretation of hinges as learned norms of judging and acting that we must display certainty in if we are to learn a language. This is the interpretation of Rush Rhees and Meredith Williams, and is the position that I support. Finally, I show that contrary to some the remarks in <em>On Certainty </em>express a unified theme, rather than a series of disjointed and contradictory ideas.</p> / Master of Philosophy (MA)

<p>This dissertation examines the role of the Greek mercenary in the history of the Greek city-states from the Dark-Ages down to the end of the Lamian War in 322 B.C. It does not address the strategic and tactical uses of mercenaries on the battlefields of the eastern Mediterranean, but illustrates the social, political, and economic positions of mercenaries both inside and outside of the polis. The principal purpose of this work has been to demonstrate the central role of mercenary service to Greek society and history. This role is demonstrated in the accepted nature of mercenary service among Greek citizens. Greek mercenaries came from all the regions of the Greek world and from all strata of Greek society. Mercenary service was important in forging links between individuals and communities apodemia and, as such, it was a means by which foreigners and foreign rulers could exercise their power and their influence over the Greeks.</p> <p>Historians have studied the military uses of mercenaries. They have also studied specific aspects of mercenary service, such as pay, or specific regions and campaigns in which they served. Never before has one work examined mercenary service as a socio-economic problem for the whole polis period.</p> <p>The sources for this work come from every type of Greek literature. Historians such as Thucydides and Xenophon have provided the narrative and military contexts for the adventures of mercenaries. Philosophers have illustrated attitudes towards military service overseas as well as the status at home. Technical writers, for example the fourth-century strategist Aeneas Tacticus, have provided information on a variety of important issues concerning mercenaries. Forensic speech writers have illustrated how ordinary men served at home and abroad with alacrity and seemingly without care, while political speeches have shown the concern with which some saw the growth in the numbers of Greeks abroad. As well as the literary sources, the coinage of the period has promoted an understanding of payment and the relationships between the employer and those in service.</p> <p>By looking at Greeks who left the polis to serve abroad, either for a short campaign or for their entire lives, a clearer insight into the history of the city-states is achieved. In this study the focus of Greek history shifts from the inclusive communities of the Greek mainland to the tyrants and kings of the Mediterranean and the Near East. The Hellenistic world which emerged after Alexander, (and therefore beyond the scope of this thesis), embraced this wide geographic arena. In their work the Greek mercenaries of the polis period exemplify the continuity of one time frame to the next. The mercenaries aided the synthesis of east with west and as a result they laid the foundations for the world of the Hellenistic monarchies.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>As global politics realized a fundamental realignment with the end of the Second World War, the Canadian state desired the formation of a national consensus over its newly developed Cold War policies. It set about this task through the use of anti-communist rhetoric to facilitate a repressive and intolerant atmosphere where dissent of state policies could be identified as subversive and dangerous. In promulgating this Cold War ideology, Ottawa was wary of the illiberal approach that characterized American McCarthyism. Rather, Ottawa adopted a strategy of "privatizing" its anti-communism through the use of extra-state actors. By "farming" out its repressive activities, Ottawa could portray itself as a neutral defender of liberal values, while at the same time facilitating a climate of repression that would further its policy aims. Attendant to this, the extra-state actors used this state facilitated framework in order to advance their own interests and agendas. This strategy was starkly illustrated by the USWA raids against IUMMSW Local 598 in 1962. The interests of the state, the Catholic Church, CLC, and USWA coalesced around the elimination of Mine Mill local 598 as a representative of miners in northern Ontario. The Catholic Church sought the elimination of a progressive secularizing force in the Sudbury community that threatened the Church's institutional reproduction. For Steel, the acquisition of over 17,000 dues-paying members and the elimination of IUMMSW as a competitor in the membership rich northern Ontario mining communities. While the state prospered from the virulent anti-communist environment and the elimination of a potentially militant union from control over the largest source of nickel in the non-Communist world. Thus the boundaries demarcating the state from civil society are less clear than some would have us believe. The USW A/Mine Mill events illustrate the nuance in the relationship between the state and private actors in the mobilization of ideological hegemony.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>What I shall consider in this thesis is the degree to which language structure and usage must be considered if we wish to grasp the nature of that being we term the 'self' - the subject that I am, and that others presumably are. Stated in its strongest terms, the view I wish to explore is not simply that the medium of our understanding of the self is language, but the further and more control controversial claim that this self is constituted in and through language usage~ and More particularly through self-narration.</p> <p>The thesis is intended as an elucidation and integration of various 20th century reactions to the modernist, and essentially Cartesian, conceptions of the self, self-understanding, and personal identity. At this level of analysis the thesis will be fairly eclectic, ranging through phenomenology, literary theory, deconstruction, semiotics and psychoanalysis. The goal and systematic aim of this survey, however, is to develop on the basis of these investigations what I take to be a properly hermeneutic view of the self and self identity.</p> <p>The contribution to knowledge afforded by the present enterprise lies in its synthesizing of the disparate trends in contemporary thought into a plausible and provocative account of the human subject in relation to language.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>The Bhagavadgītā, the most popular religious text of Hinduism, has become the social and political gospel of India in the Twentieth Century. What is attempted in this study is an examination of the Hindu religious consciousness as reflected in the various recent interpretations of this religious text. In this, we have examined the writings of Twentieth Century national and religious leaders of India and their reinterpretations of the age-old Hindu concepts of dharma, karma and mukti. The main line pursued is to discern the attempt by the moderns to integrate dharma and mukti and to render the message of the Gītā relevant to the problems of contemporary India. We examine this attempt by these national leaders against the background of recent ideologies such as nationalism, socialism and secularism that have made deep inroads into the sub-continent. The "counter-ideologies" (à la Harry M. Johnson) that sprang up from the new interpretations of the Gītā by national leaders such as B.G. Tilak, M.K. Gandhi, Sri Aurobindo and others are examined in depth. The modern commentators also attempt to relate the teachings of the Gītā to the needs of a modern secular society, and in particular to the problems of religious pluralism which confront modern India. These commentators however, did not limit the relevance of this text to India, but have been eager to point out its relevance for a wider humanity.</p> <p>This study aims to be both descriptive and critical. I have sought to describe what modern Indian thinkers selected as essential to the tradition and have also sought to understand their determination to come to terms with not only spiritual but also national and social issues. It is clear that they understood that reconstruction work in India could not be envisaged without giving it a basis in religious tradition which in their mind was most succinctly represented by the Bhagavadgītā. The writer after critical study, has come to the conclusion that these commmentaries taken together have successfully pointed out the significance of the Bhagavadgītā as a text that can accommodate varieties, and as a text which, without losing the clarity and rigour of its central spiritual perception, can provide legitimation, for the social and political forces that underlie a secular state.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>The Tirumantiram is a three thousand verse Tamil manual of Āgamic Śaivism composed about the seventh century A.D. by a yogī sage known as Tirumūlar. This work I was accepted into the canonical collection of Śaiva devotional works known as the Tirumuṟai, and can be shown to have significantly influenced the writers of the later canonical collection of Śaiva philosophical texts. Still, the Tirumantiram remains little known outside of South India and even less understood. Both Indian and Western scholars have tended to ignore this work which they commonly characterize as being obscure, opaque and esoteric. While acknowledging the presence of obscure verses and coded portions of the text dealing with advanced yogic instruction, it is my intention to show (a) that the Tirumantiram was composed for a wide-ranging audience of householders and rulers as well as learned Brahmins and trained yogis, and (b) that the aim was to reconcile tensions existing between various Southern Śaiva sects. I will also argue that Tirumūlar sought to accomplish this task by creatively explicating the metaphysical, moral and mystical aspects of Āgamic Śaivism with the aid of mythic figures in order to communicate his insights on a more popular level.</p> <p>The mythic references incorporated into the text lend themselves to being studied under three general exegetical headings. That is, they can be distinguished as having an apologetic, tropological or anagogical thrust corresponding to the three facets of Śaivism mentioned above. In the process of analyzing the mythic imagery and indicating how it was skillfully employed to develop major themes which are reiterated on a more advanced level in other portions of the text, it should become clear that, on the whole, the Tirumantiram was a unified composition and not a mere compilation of solitary verses as has been suggested by K. Zvelebil and others. To my knowledge, this is the most protracted study of the Tirumantiram in English since A. Visvanatha Pillai produced his translation and commentary on several hundred selected verses in the mid 1960's.</p> <p>The numbering of Tirumantiram verses cited or quoted in this study follows that found in G. Varadarajan's Edition. The latter was chosen because it is both reliable and more readily available than other responsible editions. For words I have followed the form of transliteration adopted by standard works on Indology. As for the transliteration of Tamil, several systems are currently in use. Here I will follow that set forth in the Madras Tamil Lexicon.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>This thesis gathers together the writings of Henri de Lubac around the theme of revelation. It begins by an analysis of de Lubac 's writings on the Biblical Revelation so as to establish what we consider to be his theological point of departure: God has revealed Hirnse]f in time, i.e., in history and Jesus Christ, and this revelation opens up the depth of nature. This is revelation in the strict sense; the subject of Part One. There is also a self-witness of God in man. This is revelation in the broad sense; the subject of Part Two. The relationship between Part One and Part Two is established on this basis: to understand what de Lubac means by revelation in the broad sense, a prior understanding of what he means by revelation in the strict sense is essential. That is to say, one cannot understand man in his concrete, historical, existential, openness to revelation, as de Lubac thinks him, without a framework of Biblical Religion.</p> <p>This thesis is historical, insofar as it seeks to understand the litetrary career of Henri de Lubac. It is critical, insofar as it seeks to establish a focus within which his work may be unified. Finally, the thesis assesses the work of de Lubac on the fundamental issues connected with revelation, and suggests the meaning of de Lubac's contribution to contemporary Christian thought, especially Roman Catholic theology.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>This study examines the reputation and influence of Ovid's Metamorphoses in Augustan England in order to show the persistence of the allegorical reading of the poem. Although the ultimate purpose of the study is to shed light on the interpretation of Restoration and eighteenth--century poetry, such a direct application of the metamorphic tradition to the reading of the verse cannot be undertaken before the critical position of the Metamorphoses in the intellectual and artistic milieu of the period has been determined. Because it is my contention that Ovid's poem continued to be read in the Augustan age in much the same way that it had been in the Renaissance, the study begins with an analysis of the relationship between classicism and Renaissance humanism and the way in which this relationship affected Restoration and early eighteenth century thought and writing. From there, the study briefly reviews the sixteenth and seventeenth century thought on the Metamorphoses and, then branches into Augustan criticism, prefaces, translations, editions and handbooks which discuss Ovid's poem and which are written by British authors and continental writers who influenced British thought. It has sometimes been assumed that the Metamorphoses died an early death in the Augustan age because of the travesties of the poem and because of Addison's seeming disavowal of allegorization; therefore, I have tried to correct this assessment by a comprehensive analysis of the materials of the period.</p> <p>The study shows that while the critics have been correct in their belief that science and antiquarianism, along with a certain hatred of heathenism and narrowly defined sexual mores, caused the popularity of the Metamorphoses to wane in the eighteenth century, the poem still held a considerable prestige among writers and artists until 1750. Garth's 1717 Preface to the Metamorphoses, from which authors borrow freely until Boyse's New Pantheon (1753), is the seminal essay on Ovid's poem for the early eighteenth century, and his allegorical reading of the poem and appreciation of Ovid's wit are representative attitudes toward the poem. By 1750, however, Ovid's classic began to be questioned by men like Spence because it deviated from the true picture of the heathen mythology, and, consequently, the Metamorphoses in the later eighteenth century become the sole realm of schoolboys. While historians like Banier and Boyse believe the Metamorphoses to be significant in the early century, by 1750 the historians, too, sought more authentic materials, but writers clung to Ovid as a poetical model and moral teacher at least until that time. Allegory justified the continued usage of Ovid artistically and morally, and ubiquitous use of the Metamorphoses in Augustan poetry testifies to its popularity and significance.</p> <p>A careful examination of the comments on the Metamorphoses indicates that the truths that critics may gather about the scientific progress of an age are not always applicable to the artistic situation of the times. Furthermore, to confirm a thesis, one must go beyond the mere perusal of a few works of the period. In the case of Ovid, Addison's disparaging comment on the allegorization in Ross's Mystagogus Poeticus has been taken as the damaging evidence against the allegorical iv reading of the Metamorphoses, whereas Addison intends his criticism mainly for "mystical" allegory. By a careful study of a number of eignteenth-century works a clearer and more valid picture emerges. The importance of such a study for literary purposes lies in its applicability to the poetry of the period, As I have tried to argue in the last chapter of this thesis, Ovidian matter is not a mere window-dressing for frivolous poems, but an integral part of the structure and meaning. By applying the moralized reading of the Metamorphoses to allusions in poems such as Astraea Redux or The Dunciad and to the metamorphic patterns in such poems as Claremont, The Fan and "Eloisa to Abelard", I have discovered in Augustan verse a moral texture which the well-read poets submerged in subtle allusions, not immediately apparent from a casual reading of the poems. Although travesties and burlesques of Ovid's Metamorphoses were published in the eighteenth century, his master work continued to be regarded a major poetic document, and even those poets who used his work for the purpose of travesty often did so to make a serious point.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)