In this thesis, I examine the theoretical and practical implications of understanding asylum as a form of reparation. My basic contention is that offers of asylum potentially constitute a means through which states can discharge their special obligations towards refugees for whose flight they are responsible. Asylum, on my account, is an institution that can contribute to the rectification of the unjustified harms that states may have caused refugees by forcing them to flee. The thesis is divided into three main parts. In Part I, I lay out a basic theory of asylum as reparation, explaining my conception of asylum and its potential moral functions in Chapter 1, and demonstrating the ways in which asylum may act reparatively in Chapter 2. In Part II, I seek to identify the conditions under which states owe asylum as reparation to refugees. Over the following three chapters, I argue that states have such an obligation when they bear outcome responsibility for unjustified harms experienced by refugees as a result of their flight, and when asylum is the most fitting form of reparation for those harms that is available. In Part III, I apply my theory to the case of Iraqi refugees generated since the invasion of Iraq in 2003, and explore some of the practical implications of my approach. In Chapter 6, I argue that the US and UK owe asylum as reparation to large numbers of Iraqi refugees. In Chapter 7, I examine the implications of my approach for domestic asylum politics, questioning how states should prioritise refugees to whom they owe reparation vis-à-vis other refugees, and exploring its potential impact on debates over asylum. In Chapter 8, I identify its implications for the international politics of refugee protection, anticipating some of the incentives that it might create for states.

68 Summary Diplomatic Asylum The aim of my thesis is to analyse the topic of diplomatic asylum in the light of the fact that diplomatic asylum is not universally codified nevertheless it is used in international practice. Main questions set for this thesis are: On what legal basis lies the practice of providing international protection in form of diplomatic asylum in countries that are not participating on international treaties concerning diplomatic asylum? Should this situation be called in different way e.g. humanitarian refuge? Why are states not able to find compromise in codifying this topic? What is a background for this inability - or rather unwillingness? The thesis is divided into six main chapters, each of them trying to deal with the topic in different point of view and trying to find answers to the above stated questions. First chapter examines terminology of the topic using different encyclopaedias and vocabularies, finding that it is nearing Babylonian confusion of tongues. The following chapter goes back in history in order to find roots of asylum and more narrowly diplomatic asylum. This chapter is subdivided into two parts, because there is a huge difference between the development of diplomatic asylum in Europe and in Latin America, where diplomatic asylum survived until today and was...

This study examines decisions of immigration judges from the Miami and Los Angeles immigration courts, analyzing the asylum grant rates of judges in the courts from 2000-2016. In five-year time frames, the study looks at each immigration court and the decisions yielded, amounting up to nearly 86,000 decisions. Examining judges on an individual level, the study also analyzes the outputs of each court collectively. The analysis reveals very distinct disparities in grant rates, showing up to a 70% disparity between judges within the same immigration court. Based on biographies provided by Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC), this paper explores possible correlations between various extralegal factors of individual immigration judges and their respective asylum grant rates. The results of the analysis showed correlation between gender, political party appointed under and the asylum grant rate, as well as strong correlation between judges’ previous work experience prior to appointment (DHS/INS experience, NGO experience) and the asylum grant rate. Additionally, the analysis reviews case law of the Ninth and Eleventh Circuit Courts, looking at distinct differences in the precedents of asylum law. The paper explores the tension between these judicial entities, the legislative branch, and the executive agencies enforcing the asylum adjudication process in the context of the Los Angeles and Miami immigration courts. The conclusion discusses the implications of the findings, especially in regards to the rapidly changing directives of the current executive administration.

De senaste åren har allt fler människor flytt till Europa. Folk tvingas på flykt på grund av krig, katastrofer och elände. Detta kan knappast vara positivt för deras psykiska hälsa. Allmänsjuksköterskans roll kommer att prövas av detta och det är därför viktigt att sjuksköterskan är medveten om olika tankesätt och omvårdnadsstrategier för att behandla den psykiska ohälsan. Inte minst när det visar att psykisk ohälsa har blivit en ökad trend för sjukskrivning bland den svenska befolkningen. Tio vetenskapliga artiklar och en rapport som behandlade psykisk ohälsa hos människor på flykt analyserades för att ingå i resultatet. Den första delen av resultatet beskriver förekomsten av psykisk ohälsa medan den andra delen redovisar upplevelser i tre teman och sju underteman. Resultatet visar att psykisk ohälsa bland människor på flykt är utbredd, även om det förekommer tydliga skillnader gällande psykiska diagnoser hos dem. Deras upplevelser handlar i stor utsträckning om faktorer som förstärker deras psykiska ohälsa och sätter dem i utanförskap. Det gör att de försöker värna om sig själva genom försvarsmekanismer som inte alltid är till det bättre, samtidigt som de upplever att det finns stöd i deras nya omgivning. Hos människorna själva finns en drivkraft om att kunna acklimatisera sig i det nya samhället även om hinder upplevs, såväl inom dem som runt om kring. Det är därför önskvärt att sjuksköterskan, med hjälp av kunskap om förekomst och upplevelser hos människor på flykt, utför en mellanmänsklig, god och förtroendeingivande vård som behandling för de människor som lider av psykisk ohälsa till följd av flykt. / Background: There has been an increasing prevalence of mental illness among Swedes; in addition a lot more people have fled their home countries due to war and disaster. With them they carried traumatic experiences. What have these effects and occurrences had on their mental status? Aim: This study aims to investigate the prevalence and experience of mental illness among fleeing people. Method: A literature overview was performed to gather and analyse data from both qualitative and quantitative studies. A search for prevalence in quantitative data was used. Prevalence of mental illness is first presented in a compilation and then three themes with seven subthemes describing similarities and differences emerged in the analysis of qualitative and quantitative studies. Results: Prevalence of mental illness was more common among displaced people than the non-displaced with depression, anxiety and posttraumatic stress as the most common diagnosis. Traumatic experiences were also a factor that could hinder the individuals from adopt in the new country. It also showed that there were effects that fortified the mental illness as well as their own defence mechanisms. However, the individuals also experienced support from people with similar experience as well as people in the society they now belong to. They also felt that they wanted to be acclimatized into their new country in order to create a new life. Conclusions: The nurse's role is of importance to create an interpersonal relationship and thus provide safety and trustworthiness to give patients’, persons who have fled, understanding and confidence in health care regarding their mental health.

In the first few decades of the nineteenth century, Americans and immigrants moved to New Orleans hoping to take advantage of the opportunities the city offered. Many American citizens moved from cities like Boston, New York, and Philadelphia. Recognizing the lack of social welfare programs and assistance given to the poor, a group of women established the Female Orphan Society. From its creation, the Female Orphan Society worked in providing aid to indigent mothers and their children through providing religious, vocational, and educational training. In a short time, the FOS emerged as the only private, Protestant female refuge for immigrant families and their children in New Orleans. This involvement elevated the role of the asylum in the city and heightened the influence of an institution run by southern, upper-class white women.

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Dans l’Union Européenne, la Commission prépare une réforme de la législation applicable en matière d’immigration et d’asile, face à une montée continue du nombre des immigrés et de demandeurs d’asile. Les difficultés économiques, sociales et politiques que rencontrent un grand nombre d’Etats des continents africain, asiatique et même européen, maintiendront une demande forte d’entrée d’étrangers. Cette situation confrontera l’U.E à la recherche d’un difficile équilibre entre les intérêts nationaux et un certain devoir d’assistance. Ainsi, y’a-t-il une protection suffisante pour les étrangers dans le droit de l’U.E ? Ensuite, y a t-il, un statut général applicable à tous les étrangers ? Il est à noter que les droits des étrangers sont à la fois limités et variables. Limités lorsqu’on confronte le statut des étrangers et celui des citoyens européens ; variables dans la mesure où les étrangers ne se voient pas tous reconnaître les mêmes droits. Ainsi, on estime que l’Union devrait élaborer une politique de migration plus proactive axée sur la gestion et non sur la prévention des mouvements migratoires. Cette politique devrait se fonder sur un cadre définissant clairement les droits des étrangers. Elle devrait garantir aux travailleurs migrants un cadre juridique en matière d’égalité de traitement avec les nationaux. Un cadre commun devrait être élaboré pour les conditions d’entrée et de résidence, à partir d’un consensus entre les pouvoirs publics et les partenaires sociaux concernant les besoins du marché du travail. / In the European Union, the Commission prepares a reform of the legislation on immigration and asylum, vis-a-vis a steady rise in the number of immigrants and asylum seekers. The economic, social and political difficulties, that a large number of States in Africa, Asia and even Europe encounter, will maintain a strong request for entry from abroad. This situation will confront the E.U in search of a difficult balance between the national interests and a duty of care. Thus, is there a sufficient protection for the foreigners in the European Union Law ? Then, is there a general status applicable to all the foreigners ? It should be noted that the rights of foreigners are at the same time limited and variable. Limited when one confronts the status of foreign and that of the European citizens; and variables to the extent that foreigners are not given all the same rights. Thus, it is estimated that the Union should develop a more proactive migration policy based on the management and not on the prevention of the migratory movements. This policy should be based on a clear framework of the aliens ‘rights. It should guarantee to migrant workers a legal framework as regards equal treatment with the nationals. A common framework should be developed in the conditions of entry and residence, starting from a consensus between the public authorities and the social partners concerning the needs of the labor market.

In the last few years, the world has been gripped by a crisis of forced migration and displaced persons. Being forced migrants, asylum-seekers are a unique and diverse population, originating from many countries with different backgrounds and experiences. This makes fulfilling the information needs of the asylum community difficult. Online participatory platforms, such as blogs and discussion forums, are flexible, adaptive information resources that could be used to meet the diverse needs of this population. In this study, I compare two online resources used by asylum-seekers, a blog and discussion forum, using social network analysis and topic modeling techniques. Through these analyses, I have determined the conversational archetype the best reflects both websites and discovered the information needs expressed and, in many cases, resolved through conversations in these online spaces. The core finding of this study is that providing direct access to an expert, such as through an interactive blog, promotes dialogue on a greater variety of topics and increases the likelihood of a thorough response. Furthermore, blog posts may inform participants' comments by providing them with the necessary vocabulary to participate fully in the online setting.

This dissertation examines the dynamic intersections of the relationship between migration and the far-right through three empirical, stand-alone chapters. The first substantive chapter re-evaluates existing theories of far-right support using a novel theory and comprehensive dataset to assess how immigration opinion and immigration levels interact to shape individual far-right support. The findings suggest that increases in asylum-based migration are associated with increased far-right voting, but that this is effect is mainly observed in those with negative or neutral opinions toward immigration. The second substantive chapter examines the other side of this relationship by analyzing the impact of far-right electoral and legislative success on asylum-recognition rates in EU member states. The results of empirical analyses show that when far-right parties gain legislative seats, the expected rate of asylum approvals decreases. This suggests that far-right parties in legislatures have measurable effects on migration outcomes. Finally, the third substantive chapter uses original field research to assess how far-right politics impacts the lived experiences of immigrants in France and Switzerland, relying on a small survey and interviews conducted in the field. The results show that immigrants are generally aware of far-right parties and distrustful toward them. However, undocumented migrants and asylees are among the most negatively impacted by far-right activity. Overall, this dissertation moves beyond the entrenched debate of how migration does or does not facilitate far-right support and contributes to the academic understanding of how migration and far-right politics interact.

This thesis is a qualitative case study that explores the experiences of unaccompanied Afghan asylum seeking minors in Greece – a largely neglected area empirically, in migration-related social science research – despite the fact that migration has been an issue of mounting concern recently. The study sets out to bridge this gap hence, to provide insights of the paths of young people as individuals in their own right, and of the dynamics and processes of their forced migrations. The research contributes to contemporary debates about migration and childhood. The thesis takes a broader approach that highlights the connections across borders and covers the multiple facets of unaccompanied minors’ experiences and feelings; pre-exile, during journeys, and on arrival in Greece. The future plans and motivations of the young respondents are also discussed. Information in relation to young respondent’s experiences, emotions and thoughts was collected in a series of in-depth interviews, focus groups and participatory activities. Data was also gathered by professionals and public figures with the aim to identify how these young people are treated and perceived inside and outside of the reception centres in Greece. The data indicates that these young respondents are deeply and negatively affected by experiences of loss, separation, discrimination, abuse, and long-lasting hardships to be found throughout their histories of movement. Their accounts are renegotiated tales where notions of belonging and identity are shaped along the way, and the boundaries drawn around childhood and adulthood are often fragile and fluid. The events of young people’s movements are reported as having been poignant, rendering them in a continuous, transitional state of existence. This stage ‘in between’, it is argued to be intricately entangled with the prolonged political insecurity which in some instances, extents to the condition of statelessness. The analysis of young respondents’ experiences revealed an overt gap between entitlements which are theoretically attributed to unaccompanied minors, regarding their social, political and legal rights – irrespective of their legal status – and pragmatic barriers to be found on the ground; on the streets, at borders, in detention, in police stations, and in reception centres, these young people are imperilled to the process of dehumanization. This process is understood to be a product of social and political violence implicated in local and transnational contexts. A combination of structural factors and practices has been found to be compounded by inhuman actions such as; the commodification process, the classification process, poverty, stigmatization, institutional racism and the ambiguity of political status. The findings further indicated that young respondents had mixed and distinct feelings of their experiences and responded to the process of dehumanization in very different ways; some developed robust resilient mechanisms along the way and formed important social networks for their survival and others felt powerless, and incapable mentally to lead their lives. The data indicated that the type of care and support varied significantly among the reception centres. There was a spectrum of attitudes towards the presence of the young respondents, showing sympathy and welcoming responses but also prejudice, stereotypes and xenophobia. These appeared at professional, government and public levels. Implications are discussed in relation to the punitive policies and practices that demoralise the rights and needs of the young people, hence potential strategies are suggested for reforming aspects of the child welfare/asylum system. The thesis concludes that these young respondents have a uniquely strong claim to social and political rights that will give them back their lost ‘ordinariness’.