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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks, the issue of political violence expressed via mass destruction has raised security concerns to an unprecedented degree not seen since the end of the Cold War. As a principal adversary, the Soviet Union has been replaced by terror networks applying asymmetric warfare to achieve politically charged or ideologically driven objectives. A scenario whereby non-state actors would acquire a nuclear capability not only threatens the security of the United States, but would destabilize the Westphalian notion of the primacy of nation-states within the international system. Despite U.S. expenditures of over $86 million to help nearly 30 countries worldwide in preventing the smuggling of weapons-useable radiological materials, over 20 known cases of such activity were reported between 1992 and 2001. Previous research has concentrated on a singularly defined threat: The Rogue State. Today's challenges are characterized by more defused, decentralized networks, to include transnational actors with the potential to proliferate and supply terrorists with a nuclear weapon or weapons-grade radiological material. This thesis examines the applicability of traditional Cold War strategies such as deterrence, pre-emption, prevention, and coercive diplomacy in the present context, to deny extremist groups and associated networks the means to buy, steal, or make nuclear and radiological weapons. This thesis proposes a multi-dimensional approach in support of mixed-strategies for winning the race against nuclear terror. The author contends that terrorist groups cannot acquire nuclear or radiological technology without the witting or unwitting support of state actors.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. / Cover title. "December 2007." AD-A476 373. Includes bibliographical references. Electronic version available on the Public STINET.

Thesis (M.S. in Computer Science)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Gurminder Singh. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-83). Also available online.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2004. / Thesis Advisor(s): Kenneth J. Hagan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 199-204). Also available online.

Thesis (Honors)--College of William and Mary, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-87). Also available via the World Wide Web.

As a component of the overall policy to defeat global terrorism and prevent attacks against the U.S., the Bush and Obama administrations have turned to unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), or drones. From 2004 to 2014, Pakistan has seen the largest volume of U.S. drone strikes targeting radical groups such as al Qaeda and the Taliban, a trend that is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. On the surface, using drones to eliminate terrorists while avoiding an official armed conflict aligns with the theory of neo- or structural realism developed by Kenneth Waltz. And yet although 9/11 served as the impetus for the U.S. to refocus attention on ameliorating the threat of terrorism and to initiate far-reaching measures to protect homeland security, there remains intense debate over whether or not the U.S. is actually more secure than it was prior to 9/11. While structural realism is still relevant to the current international system, the effects of drone strikes in Pakistan may set the U.S. on a path toward increasingly destabilizing situations that could lead to heightened insecurity and ultimately a change in power in the international system. The existing literature suggests that drone strikes in Pakistan are (1) leading to revenge-driven counter attacks, (2) intensifying radical anti-Americanism and creating more potential terrorists, (3) damaging the U.S. relationship with nuclear-armed Pakistan, (4) destabilizing the regions where drone attacks are launched, and (5) undermining American 'soft power.' The culmination of these five trends has the potential to disrupt the current balance of power in a way that is not in America's national interest. The unique security dilemma presented by the asymmetrical threat of terrorism and the asymmetrical response of drone strikes necessitates the continued evolution of neorealism as an IR theory. / Master of Arts

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / U.S. naval doctrine has been dominated by the Mahanian concept of massing large capital ships for over one hundred years. Yet, it was a Cyclone-class patrol craft, a USCG cutter, and an Australian frigate that pushed up the Khor-Abd-Allah waterway and opened up the port of Umm Qasr, Iraq, during the Second Gulf War. They continue to protect it and the surrounding oil infrastructure from attack from insurgents and terrorists today. With the navy's current interest in transformation, the question arises, is the navy as presently configured well suited for today's threats? This thesis explores the question of how should the navy meet threats to national interests. This is accomplished through historical analysis of an event that is similar to the situation today: The Philippine Insurrection (1899-1902). This episode showcases the shortcomings of the navy's conventional approach to military operations other than war, and the need for change. In today's asymmetric environment, the past provides insight into effective means for handling these types of threats. This thesis concludes that the navy needs to diversify itself to incorporate different ship platforms, platforms that incorporate the utility of old with the technology of new. / Lieutenant, United States Navy