Texte remanié de: Th. Ph. D.--Freie Universität Berlin, 1989. Titre de soutenance : The Syraco-Iraqui conflict under the Ba'th regimes, 1968-1988.

This dissertation seeks to determine the differences between veteran and non-veteran students' mental effort and task difficulty within undergraduate online courses in Bachelor of Applied Arts and Sciences (BAAS) programs at three public Texas universities. The BAAS program is geared toward non-traditional students, which includes veterans. The courses are delivered in flexible formats, including online courses, face-to-face courses, and blended courses, which use a combination of online and face-to-face courses. After reviewing literature and utilizing both the cognitive theory of multimedia learning and the cognitive learning theory, a survey was conducted using undergraduate students enrolled in BAAS programs at three public Texas universities. The data was analyzed by conducting a factorial ANOVA and Pearson correlation to determine if there was a difference between veterans and non-veteran students' mental effort and task difficulty within online courses within the BAAS programs. The results indicated that that all three hypotheses failed to reject the null hypotheses that: (1) there is no difference in mental effort of students who had military service, versus those who did not have military service, (2) there is no difference in mental effort of students who had military service, versus those who did not have military service, and (3) there is no difference in the correlation between successful completion of distance learning courses of students who had military services versus those who did not have military service.

Texte remanié de: Doct. diss.--University of Amsterdam, 1977. Titre de soutenance : De Rol van sektarisme, regionalisme en tribalisme bij de strijd om de politieke macht in Syrië (1961-1976). / Bibliogr. p. 202-218. Index.

La Syrie est un pays complexe et cela se reflète dans l'histoire de ses constitutions. Avec moins d'un siècle d'existence, la Syrie a connu sept constitutions permanentes, cinq constitutions provisoires, deux constitutions et une charte panarabes, trois arrangements à caractère constitutionnel dont un par référendum et quatre projets de constitutions. Cette multitude de textes à caractère constitutionnel reflète l'intensité de l'histoire politique du pays. Afin de pouvoir les comprendre il faut d'abord en connaître les causes et la finalité. Chacun d'entre eux renvoi à un projet particulier. Les régimes syriens furent très variés (monarchique ou républicains, libéraux ou autoritaires, de droite ou de gauche, militaires ou civils, unioniste ou souverainiste, etc.). Malgré cette diversité, il n'empêche que depuis près de cent ans tous les régimes syriens successifs partagèrent le même Projet National dont les grandes lignes furent tracées par le Pères Fondateurs de la Syrie moderne en 1919, un an après la séparation des provinces arabes de l'Empire ottoman. C'est dans l'optique du Projet National que les premières d'entre elles furent rédigées. Après l'indépendance, le Constituant eut pour souci de réguler les pouvoirs entre l'exécutif et le législatif. L'intervention à répétition de l'armée dans la sphère du politique finit par tourner la page de période de la Syrie libérale et démocratique. Depuis 1963 l'armée et le Baas imposèrent la question sociale et la question nationale dans tous les textes constitutionnels. L'interprétation que firent les régimes baasistes successifs de l'idéologie de leur parti eut un impact sur la politique intérieure et la politique régionale de la Syrie. / Syria is a complex country and this is reflected in the history of its constitutions. In less than a century, Syria has experienced seven permanent constitutions, five temporary constitutions, two constitutions and one pan-Arab charter, three constitutional arrangements one of them by referendum and four projects of constitution. These multiple constitutional texts reflect the intensity of the history of the country. In order to understand these texts, one has to know their causes and their aim. Each one of them relates to a particular project. Syrian regimes were diverse (monarchy or republicans, liberals or authoritarians, right or left, military or civilians, unionist or sovereignist, etc.). Despite this diversity, all Syrian regimes since almost one hundred years have shared the same National Project whose main characteristics were drawn by the Founding Fathers of modern Syria in 1919, one year after the separation of the Arab provinces from the Ottoman Empire. It is within the framework of the National Project that the first constitutions were drafted. After the independence, the aim of the Constituent was to regulate power between the executive and the legislative. The repetitive intervention of the army in politics ended up with turning the page on the period of democratic and liberal Syria. Since 1963, the army and the Baas have imposed the social question and the national question in all constitutional texts. The interpretation that was made by the successive baasist regimes of the ideology of their party has had an impact on the domestic and regional policies of Syria.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Université d'Amsterdam, 1977. Titre de soutenance : De rol van sektarisme, regionalisme en tribalisme bij de strijd om de politieke macht in Syrië, 1961-1976. / En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p.202-218. Notes bibliogr. Index.

With the increase of iOS applications on the market the demand and use of Backend as a Service (BaaS) providers also increase. In an early phase of the development it is beneficial for a potential application publisher to use a BaaS to quickly reach the market. Over time the provided services may be inadequate which make many BaaS users migrate to a custom developed backend. This paper intends to investigate which BaaS provider gives the least dismissed effort when making a transition to a custom developed backend with the purpose of providing basis for potential application publishers in the selection of a provider, given that a future transition to a custom backend will occur. From a population of ten providers, five were randomly selected – Firebase, Kinvey, CloudMine, Kumulos and Kii. In order to measure required effort for each provider, code that is tightly coupled to each provider’s SDK was implemented, according to provider guidelines and documentation. The implementations were measured with the COCOMO II model which gives a result in terms of required person months (PM). The measured PM of each implementation was compared. The hypothesis of the study could be rejected if the resulting PM of two implementations were disjointed. The result and analysis show difference in PM which lead to a rejection of the hypothesis. Whether the assumptions of the organization, product and project affected the results were analysed and the hypothesis was rejected regardless of these assumptions. If the organization of a potential application publisher resembles the one in the research Firebase is the recommended choice of BaaS provider.

This Diploma thesis deals with creation of web application, REST API, SDK for Android and iPhone platform and example application for these two platforms. The first part of work analyses the current application interfaces. The second part describes the selected technologies and implementation.

The thesis "Syrians in the Czech Republic" is engaged with the Syrians living in the Czech Republic, and their activities here. Attempts to outline the Syrians view on the Czech society and their integration into Czech society. The main method of work is a field research among the Syrians supplemented with study of technical literature. Keywords Syria, Syrians, the Arabic spring, the Arab revolution, Bashar Assad, the Baas, Syrian identity, islam, emigration, immigration, integration process, problem of identity

The final thesis deals with creating the business plan Letsgood.com s.r.o., which create modern software. Thesis is focused on strategic management and practical experiences of the author, which are gathered during his study, employment in the software company and his business. The aim of the thesis is to create a business plan up to 2016. In the theoretical part, author focuses on the comparison of various definitions of entrepreneurship, strategic corporate management and startup establishment. The beginning of the practical part describes company and its products. Next chapter forms definition of the market category, market and strategic analysis. The result of the analysis is projected to marketing strategy. Chapter people and financial plan eventually gives readers a realistic picture of the company's ambitions.

Le 8 mars 1963, un coup d’État en Syrie permet à une secte minoritaire marginalisée au sein du parti Baas, à idéologie radicale et révolutionnaire, de s’emparer des rênes de l’État avec l’appui des militaires et de conserver le pouvoir depuis. Ainsi la Syrie, premier pays arabe à connaître le système pluraliste parlementaire dès 1919, sera soumise à un régime militaire et autoritaire pendant presque un demi siècle. Ce mémoire vise à expliquer comment cette faction, groupusculaire à l’origine, a su profiter des circonstances et des fenêtres d’opportunité politique ouvertes par les comportements de l’élite traditionnelle syrienne, au pouvoir depuis le Mandat français, s’étant trouvée affaiblie, isolée et illégitime aux yeux de la population. Cette fragmentation exprimée par des agitations internes, avait provoqué des décisions contradictoires, des conflits d’intérêts ainsi que des divisions de nature identitaire, générationnelle, sociale, économique, militaire et politique. La Syrie a de ce fait, depuis son indépendance en 1941, été victime du jeu de son élite, un jeu dont ce mémoire est consacré à étudier la dynamique. Cette étude, qui définit le concept de l’élite théoriquement, s’appuie sur l’état des liens entre élites, l’envergure et les modes de leur circulation, pour confirmer qu’une élite fragmentée s’affaibli, perd sa légitimité et mène la société à l’instabilité. Ceci soutien l’hypothèse centrale de l’étude que la fragmentation de l’élite syrienne traditionnelle a ouvert des fenêtres d’opportunité politique devant le parti Baas, minoritaire et radical, qui a su les saisir pour conquérir le pouvoir. / On March 8, 1963, a coup in Syria allows a marginalized minority sect, of radical and revolutionary ideologies within the Baath Party, to conquer the reins of State with military support; and to stay in power ever since. Thus, Syria -the first Arab country to experience the pluralist parliamentary system since 1919, will be subject to a military and authoritarian regime for almost half a century. This thesis aims to explain how this minority faction took advantage of the circumstances and the windows of political opportunity that have opened because of the weakness of the traditional elite in power since the French mandate, due to its fragmentation that led to its isolation and illegitimacy in the eyes of people. This fragmentation manifested by internal unrests, has resulted in contradicting decisions, conflicts of interests and division of nature in identity, generational, social, economical, military and political aspects –all at once. Hence, since its independence in 1941, Syria was a victim of its elites’ game -a game this thesis is devoted to study its dynamics. The study that defines the concept of elite theory, while focusing on the state of relation between the elites and the extent and patterns of their circulation, in order to confirm that a weakened fragmented elite, loses its legitimacy and leads the society to instability. This supports the main hypothesis of the study that the fragmentation of traditional Syrian elite has opened windows of opportunities that the Baath Party, a radical minority, was able to seize power through.