La présente thèse vise à étudier le fonctionnement et les résultats d'une expérience constitutionnelle orientée pour surmonter "l'ancien régime" et pour former une identité nationale ottomane par les promesses de l’état de droit et du respect des procédures parlementaires. À cet égard, l’étude se concentre sur une série des pratiques administratives et législatives au début de l'époque de Meşrutiyet entre les années 1908 et 1913.La thèse observe les processus de la promulgation et l’application des lois critiques pour créer une unification nationale, notamment la loi martiale et la loi de la conscription militaire des non-musulmanes ottomanes surtout en relation avec les réseaux politiques des Bulgares Macédoniens et Helléniques. En traçant le développement des tensions autour de ces lois à Istanbul et en Roumélie, la thèse expose les déviations dans l’interprétation de Kanun-i Esasi par les représentants des divers factions sociopolitiques, l’hétérogénéité dans les attitudes des acteurs locaux et centraux et le rôle déterminant des rivalités locales dans la formation d’un corpus juridique en particulier et une souveraineté constitutionnelle en général. / The dissertation examines the functioning of Ottoman constitutional rule born in 1908 which aimed at forming a new body politic, an Ottoman nation, on the sociopolitical structure inherited from the "old regime.” As this Ottomanism, which was officially and publicly referred as "the unity of elements" (ittihad-ı anasır), was closely related with the promise of parliamentarianism and the rule of constitutional norms, the dissertation focuses on the legislative and administrative practices starting in Spring 1909 until the outbreak of the Balkan Wars. To this end, the study follows the enactment and application phases of certain critical laws in creating such a national unification — the martial law and the law on the conscription of non-Muslims to the Ottoman army — with specific emphasis on Macedonian-Bulgarian and Hellenist political networks. Tracing the development of tensions and strategies among official and civil political actors in Istanbul and Rumelia evolving around these laws, the dissertation demonstrates deviations in the interpretation of the Kanun-ı Esasi by various representatives of sociopolitical factions, the heterogeneity of attitudes of central and local political actors, and the effective role of local struggles in the development of constitutional sovereignty.

Inaug.-Diss. : Philosophische Fakultät : Köln : 1984. - Bibliogr. p. 431-447. Index. -

Les publications scientifiques traitant de l’utilisation des matériaux quartz en préhistoire sont rarissimes comparé à celles traitant des roches siliceuses cryptocristallines comme le silex ou l’obsidienne. Pourtant, les populations humaines ont abondamment utilisé les divers matériaux réunis sous l’appellation « quartz » pour la confection de leur outillage, et ce depuis les périodes les plus reculées du Paléolithique Inférieur jusqu’aux époques modernes. Les raisons de cette sélection préférentielle des outils en silex comme matériel d’étude sont multiples. Outre le poids des approches traditionnelles à la Préhistoire où l’étude du silex est prépondérante, le matériel en quartz présente des difficultés d’études qui sont à la fois liées à la texture du matériau et à ses propriétés mécaniques, mais aussi à l’utilisation de méthodologies d’analyses dérivées de l’étude du silex et qui s’avèrent inadéquates ou mal adaptées pour le quartz de filon. Un premier chapitre introductif est ainsi destiné à présenter les principales causes du manque d’intérêt des préhistoriens envers les matériaux quartz. Nous proposerons, dans un second temps, de délivrer les principaux éléments de caractérisation minéralogique et pétrographique de ce que l’on nomme communément « quartz ». Le second chapitre est entièrement destiné à réunir et confronter les principaux résultats de quelques spécialistes pionniers ayant travaillé sur l’utilisation du quartz pour la confection d’un outillage lithique. Au travers de cette récolte de données informatives, il s’agira d’établir les principales caractéristiques des quartz de filon en termes de comportement à la taille et d’établir une liste des principaux critères technologiques, morphologiques et typologiques permettant son analyse. Le troisième chapitre est consacré à la présentation de la méthodologie d’analyse typo-technologique employé dans cette étude. Cette méthode se fonde principalement sur les divers critères exposés au sein du chapitre 2. Le quatrième et dernier chapitre est entièrement consacré à l’analyse des séries en quartz des sites néolithiques de Kovačevo (Bulgarie), Madžari (ARYM), Promachonas-Topolniča (frontière gréco-bulgare) et Dikili Tash (Grèce). L’objectif étant, à partir de la création d’une méthodologie de référence, de reconnaître les choix opérés par les sociétés néolithiques balkaniques dans la gestion et la production de leurs outillages domestiques. Ces choix sont évalués, en termes culturels, en établissant la part des contraintes environnementales, la disponibilité des ressources des domaines lithologiques locaux, les technologies utilisées ainsi que les grands domaines d’activités impliquant l’utilisation de la fraction quartz de l’outillage. Les modes de production de l’industrie du quartz seront aussi replacés dans la gestion de l’ensemble des industries néolithiques, du silex, mais aussi de la poterie, afin de comprendre leur place dans le système socio-économique des premières communautés agropastorales des Balkans. / Scientific publications dealing with the use of quartz in Prehistory are rare compared to those dealing siliceous cryptocristalline rocks such as flint, chert and obsidian. Yet, human populations have extensively used the various materials gathered under the appelation « quartz » for making their tools since the remotest times of the Lower Palaeolithic to modern times. The reasons for this preferential selection of flint tools as study materials are multiple. Besides the weight of traditional approaches to prehistoric times where the study of flint is predominant, quartz materials present difficulties of studies that are both related to the texture of the material and its mechanical properties, but also to the use of derivative methodologies of analysis of the study of flint that prove inadequate or unsuitable for vein quartz materials.An introductory chapter is thus intended to present the main causes of the lack of interest from prehistorians towards quartz materials. We then propose to deliver the main mineralogical and petrographic elements that characterize what is commonly called “quartz”.The second chapter is fully intended to unite and confront the main results of some pioneers specialists who have worked on the use of quartz for the manufacture of stone tools. This collection of informative data will help us establish the main features of vein quartz in terms of knapping behavior and also to list the main technological, morphological and typological criteria enabling its analysis.The third chapter is devoted to the presentation of the methodology used in this study. It consists of a typo-technological analysis mainly based on the various criteria outlined in chapter 2.The fourth and final chapter is fully devoted to the analysis of the quartz series from Neolithic sites Kovačevo (Bulgaria), Madzari (FYROM), Promachonas-Topolnica (Greek-Bulgarian border) and Dikili Tash (Greece). The objective is to recognize the choices made by the Balkan Neolithic societies in the management and production of their domestic tools. These choices are evaluated in cultural terms, establishing the share of environmental constraints, resource availability of local lithological domains, technologies and major areas of activity involving the use of quartz tools. The quartz industry production patterns will also be replaced in the management of the entire Neolithic industries, flint, but also pottery, to understand their place in the socio-economic system of the first agro-pastoral communities in the Balkans.

The study of Russo-Turkish relations has enough historic interest because it covers many aspects of the Eastern Question. The Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774 was the point where the course of the Russo-Turkish relations changed. During the previous decades, Russia tried to establish its position in the south and it was quite successful after capturing Azov in 1696. However, the Turks managed to gain Azov back from the Russians (1711) and maintained their supremacy in the Black Sea. By the end of the war (1774) the Turks lost Crimea which became an independent state. On the other hand, the Russians gained considerable territorial, religious and commercial advantages over the Turks. From the diplomatic point of view, the triangle between Russia, Turkey and major European states (Britain/France) functioned in the most disharmonious way. Having similar interests, Russia and the states of Western Europe struggled for which country would gain more out of Turkey. Turkish diplomacy had no alternatives other than offering more and more financial and territorial interests to France or Britain every time Turkey was threatened by Russia. In exchange Turkey managed to get protection, mainly from France. That becomes quite obvious in the writings of Lord Cathcart (the British ambassador in St. Petersburg during the period 1768-1773) where the issue for French diplomacy was the preservation of the Ottoman Empire. The Russian triumph over the Turks in 1774 was in a large degree caused by the efficiency of its armed forces which were ready to face the consequences of a long war on three fronts: Moldavia, Crimea and Greece (Peloponnese and the Aegean islands). In the meantime, the Russian diplomacy under the guidance of Panin gained every advantage it could get out of this war without making any serious compromises with either the Turks or with France or Britain.

Yes

No / Examining two centuries of Balkan politics, from the emergence of nationalism to the retreat of Communist power in 1989, this is the first book to systematically argue that many of the region's problems are external in origin. A decade of instability in the Balkan states of southeast Europe has given the region one of the worst images in world politics. The Balkans has become synonymous with chaos and extremism. Balkanization, meaning conflict arising from the fragmentation of political power, is a condition feared across the globe. This new text assesses the key issues of Balkan politics, showing how the development of exclusive nationalism has prevented the region¿s human and material resources from being harnessed in a constructive way. It argues that the proximity of the Balkans to the great powers is the main reason for instability and decline. Britain, Russia, Austria-Hungary, France and finally the USA had conflicting ambitions and interests in the region. Russia had imperial designs before and after the 1917 Revolution. The Western powers sometimes tolerated these or encouraged undemocratic local forces to exercise control in order to block further Soviet expansion. Leading authority Tom Gallagher examines the origins of these Western prejudices towards the Balkans, tracing the damaging effects of policies based on Western lethargy and cynicism, and reassesses the negative image of the region, its citizens, their leadership skills and their potential to overcome crucial problems.

En 2015, la route migratoire empruntée par un peu plus d'un million de migrants vers l'Europe occidentale était la route des Balkans. D'abord une route de transit, cette route vit rapidement ses frontières se fermer successivement, mettant partiellement fin à un mouvement migratoire historique. La fermeture de la route des Balkans culmina en mars 2016, lorsque l'Union européenne et la Turquie signent un accord selon lequel la Turquie s'engageait à retenir les migrants sur son territoire. En dépit de la fermeture officielle de la route des Balkans, certains migrants réussissent tout de même à atteindre la Serbie, un pays au cœur de cet espace migratoire. La fermeture officielle de la route transforme d'abord cet espace migratoire en un espace de circulation et de transit difficile à atteindre et d'où il devient particulièrement périlleux d'y poursuivre sa route vers l'Union européenne, mais également en un « territoire de l'attente » pour ceux et celles ayant toujours comme projet migratoire de rejoindre un pays d'Europe occidentale. La recherche a d'abord pour objectif d'analyser les caractéristiques de la Serbie en tant que territoire de transit limitrophe à l'Union européenne. L'étude a ensuite pour objectif de dresser un portrait de l'évolution du rôle des principaux acteurs impliqués dans la gouvernance des migrations en Serbie depuis le début de la « crise migratoire ». En outre, la recherche s'intéresse aussi à documenter la manière dont l'attente est vécue par les migrants et analyser la relation de ces derniers aux divers espaces d'attente qu'ils occupent en Serbie. L'analyse se base sur un terrain ethnographique qui s'est déroulé en Serbie au printemps 2019. Au total, trente entretiens qualitatifs furent réalisés auprès de différents acteurs présents sur le terrain. Le terrain de recherche inclut la visite de trois centres institutionnels de réception au sein des régions de Belgrade et de Šid. Mots clés : Balkans ; migrations internationales ; migrants ; attente ; projet migratoire ; Serbie ; parcours migratoire ; politiques migratoires ; externalisation ; Union européenne. / In 2015, the migration route most used by over a million asylum seekers to Western Europe was the Balkan route. Initially a transit route, this route rapidly saw its borders successively close, partially putting an end to a historic migratory movement. The closure of the Balkan route culminated in March 2016, when the European Union and Turkey signed an agreement under which Turkey undertook to retain migrants on its territory. Despite the official closure of this route, some migrants still manage to reach Serbia, a country at the heart of the migration route. The official closure of the route first of all transforms this migratory area into an area of circulation and transit that is difficult to reach and from where it becomes particularly dangerous to continue on to the European Union, but also into a "waiting territory" for those who still have a migration project to join a Western European country. The research aims firstly to analyse the characteristics of Serbia as a transit territory bordering the European Union. The study then aims to provide a picture of the changing role of the main actors involved in migration governance in Serbia since the beginning of the 'migration crisis'. In addition, the research is also interested in documenting how migrants experience waiting and analysing their relationship to the various waiting spaces they occupy in Serbia. The analysis is based on an ethnographic fieldwork that took place in Serbia in the spring of 2019. A total of thirty qualitative interviews were carried out with different actors present in the field. The research fieldwork also included visits to three institutional reception centres in the Belgrade and Šid regions. Keywords: Balkans: international migration; migrants; waiting; migration project; Serbia; migration trajectory; migration policies; outsourcing; European Union.

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The common image that is associated with the religious atmosphere of the Middle Ages is paradoxical. On the one hand there is an aura of fervent religious piety, which also fueled religious animosity, most notably in the bloodshed and brutality of the Crusades. This overwhelming conflict makes it hard for anyone to imagine the Middle Ages as an ear in which there could have been cordial or harmonious religious coexistence of any kind. This must be considered. In the Balkans during the Late Medieval/ Early Ottoman Period, there existed a form of religious coexistence unlike anything else in Europe. Amicable religious coexistence, that is the sharing of saints and shrines between different faith groups, existed in the Balkans during this time, and continued well into the Modern period. This paper is a discussion of this occurrence and describes the significant factors, which allowed for amicable religious coexistence to take place. / McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts / History / MA / Thesis