<p>The general aim of this paper is to describe how the European Union can affect and transfer their conditionality politics to the Western Balkan countries. A specific purpose of this study is to describe and explain what we in this paper consider to be a specific additional membership criterion, regional cooperation that has been especially designed for this region. The point of departure for this paper is Europeanization theory that will be used to study the European Union’s impact on non EU-members in Europe. The theoretical Europeanization mechanisms are taken from Heather Grabbes “Europeanization model”. A descriptive case study method together with a theory consuming method will be used. After the wars in former Yugoslavia the now independent countries started in their own pace to move closer the European Union. The problems the individual countries faced in the beginning of the 21^st century were much a consequence of the war. This lead the European Union to establish a special political and economical regional framework, where regional cooperation was emphasized. Regional cooperation developed into one of the most important elements in the EU´s relation with the countries and is made a specific requirement under the Stabilization- and association process. Implications this paper makes are that regional cooperation can be considered as a specific requirement the EU use in the Western Balkan countries membership process and that EU have a series of “influencing tools” which works to promote regional cooperation in the Western Balkans.</p><!--EndFragment-->

Cette thèse traite de la manière dont les médias et, en particulier, la presse écrite, construit l’identité nationale en période de crise. La problématique est circonscrite dans un espace et temps précis, à savoir la guerre du Kosovo (mars-juin 1999). Pourquoi insister sur l’identité nationale (grecque) dans un contexte de nationalismes (balkaniques)? Parce que nous sommes habitués à considérer les nations comme des centres ethniques fixés une fois pour toutes et capables de voyager immuables dans le Temps. On oublie ainsi que les nations se définissent à partir d’un enjeu circonscrit dans un temps et un espace précis. Et c’est cet enjeu que crée le cadre de l’interaction des acteurs sociaux. Ainsi, plus qu’une liste de critères identitaires, pour la plupart culturels, c’est l’interaction entre Nous et les Autres qui définit notre identité. Insister sur le contenu substantiel de la nation crée souvent des « identités meurtrières » (A. Maalouf) ; en revanche, considérer l’identité comme un fait social et politique pourrait ouvrir de nouvelles perspectives de co-existence pour les communautés nationales. Pourquoi nous intéresser à la presse écrite? Il y a deux raisons à cela. La première : la crise du Kosovo fut un événement hautement médiatisé. Or, « si l’image nous a fait vivre une guerre en direct, ou a prétendu le faire, l’écrit nous a permis de discuter du bien-fondé des différentes positions en présence » (M. Lits, R. Amossy). Du coup, le rôle de la presse dans la formation de l’opinion publique est considérable. La deuxième raison de notre intérêt tient au caractère politique de la presse, surtout dans un pays marqué par un bipartisme rigide dont les journaux quotidiens sont le miroir idéologique. En fait, la presse quotidienne grecque n’est pas un agent neutre qui rapporte tout simplement les faits. Elle re-construit les événements à travers son prisme idéologique et parle des Autres, des acteurs occidentaux et balkaniques qui sont impliqués dans la guerre du Kosovo en véhiculant des stéréotypes et des représentations collectives. Mais, en parlant des Autres, la presse parle également de la Grèce. En cela, elle soutient le processus identitaire grec que la crise du Kosovo déclenche.

The general aim of this paper is to describe how the European Union can affect and transfer their conditionality politics to the Western Balkan countries. A specific purpose of this study is to describe and explain what we in this paper consider to be a specific additional membership criterion, regional cooperation that has been especially designed for this region. The point of departure for this paper is Europeanization theory that will be used to study the European Union’s impact on non EU-members in Europe. The theoretical Europeanization mechanisms are taken from Heather Grabbes “Europeanization model”. A descriptive case study method together with a theory consuming method will be used. After the wars in former Yugoslavia the now independent countries started in their own pace to move closer the European Union. The problems the individual countries faced in the beginning of the 21st century were much a consequence of the war. This lead the European Union to establish a special political and economical regional framework, where regional cooperation was emphasized. Regional cooperation developed into one of the most important elements in the EU´s relation with the countries and is made a specific requirement under the Stabilization- and association process. Implications this paper makes are that regional cooperation can be considered as a specific requirement the EU use in the Western Balkan countries membership process and that EU have a series of “influencing tools” which works to promote regional cooperation in the Western Balkans. <!--EndFragment-->

Aquesta tesi explora el creixement regional desigual, el desenvolupament de la xarxa urbana i l'evolució dels ferrocarrils Als Balcans, una de les regions més diverses i turbulentes d'Europa. Els Estats inclosos en l'estudi són Albània, Bòsnia i Hercegovina, Bulgària, Croàcia, Grècia, Macedònia, Montenegro, Romania, Sèrbia, Eslovènia i Kosovo. Durant els segles XIX i XX, els Estats dels Balcans es van sotmetre a diverses transformacions polítiques radicals que van alterar profundament el seu desenvolupament socioeconòmic. La hipòtesi de l'estudi és que aquests canvis també van afectar a la geografia econòmica i la distribució espacial de la població a la regió. Per això, endinsar-se en la història moderna dels Estats dels Balcans és una oportunitat valuosa per estudiar els principals determinants dels desequilibris en el creixement regional. Les correlacions entre els esdeveniments polítics i el desenvolupament territorial il·lustren i s'analitzen a través de la base de dades especialment creada per a aquest estudi. La base inclou informació històrica i geogràfica de transport: com la modificació de les fronteres nacionals i regionals, i el desenvolupament de la xarxa ferroviària, i dades socioeconòmiques com ara: l'evolució de les taxes d'urbanització i la densitat a nivell regional i el creixement de les ciutats. La creació de la base de dades permet l'establiment d'una visió integrada, a llarg termini sobre el desenvolupament espacial de la regió i facilita l'anàlisi dels canvis regionals i ajustaments espacials a finals del segle XIX i XX. L'anàlisi ofereix observacions importants sobre el mecanisme de formació de la geografia econòmica dels estats en construcció o en transició. La tesi s'estructura en cinc capítols escrits en forma d'articles. Els tres primers capítols ofereixen estudis nacionals sobre el desenvolupament regional i urbà de Bulgària, Romania i l'ex-Iugoslàvia i els seus estats successors en els últims 100-130 anys. Es van posar de manifest les notables similituds en la formació espacial de les noves economies nacionals després de la dissolució de l'Imperi Austro-hongarès i l'Imperi Otomà. El quart capítol analitza l'evolució espacial de tota la península durant el segle XX. I l'últim capítol es centra en la transformació estructural de l'economia de Bulgària. En general, l'experiència dels Balcans il.lustra com, en els Estats de recent creació o en procés de formació amb una economia preindustrial, les institucions polítiques juguen un paper important en la determinació del desenvolupament i les tendències de la desigualtat regional. En general, en els estats balcànics subdesenvolupats i majoritàriament centralitzats, la iniciativa privada ha jugat un paper secundari. Les fronteres polítiques i el marc institucional han estat els principals determinants sobre les desigualtats en el creixement regional. Aquesta conclusió es veu confirmada per les dades sobre els sectors d'ocupació de Bulgària. Els governs van ser capaços d'influir de manera significativa en el desenvolupament regional, mitjançant inversions relativament petites en la infraestructura del transport que van tenir importants efectes a llarg termini a causa de l'efecte dels rendiments creixents. Els petits avantatges durant el període pre-industrial, en forma d'importància política i administrativa o accés ferroviari, van tenir efectes duradors sobre la geografia econòmica. Més tard, les transformacions econòmiques i polítiques van tenir menor efecte sobre la geografia econòmica de les nacions balcàniques perquè els beneficiaris del creixement econòmic van ser principalment les ciutats i les regions ja desenvolupades. . / Esta tesis explora el crecimiento desigual regional, el desarrollo de la red urbana y la evolución de los ferrocarriles en los Balcanes, una de las regiones más diversas y turbulentas de Europa. Los países incluidos en el estudio son Albania, Bosnia y Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croacia, Grecia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Rumania, Serbia, Eslovenia y Kosovo. Durante los siglos XIX y XX, estos estados se sometieron a varias transformaciones políticas radicales que alteraron profundamente su desarrollo socioeconómico. La hipótesis del estudio es que estos cambios también afectaron a la geografía económica y la distribución espacial de la población en la región. Por ello, historia moderna de los Estados de los Balcanes es una oportunidad valiosa para estudiar los principales determinantes de los desequilibrios en el crecimiento regional. Las correlaciones entre los acontecimientos políticos y de desarrollo territorial se ilustran y analizan a través de lo creado especialmente para este estudio base de datos. La base incluye información histórica y geográfica de transporte: como la modificación de las fronteras nacionales y regionales, y el desarrollo de la red ferroviaria, y datos socio-económicos tales como: la evolución de las tasas de urbanización y la densidad a nivel regional y el crecimiento de las ciudades. La creación de la base de datos permite el establecimiento de una visión integrada, a largo plazo sobre el desarrollo espacial de la región y facilita el análisis de los cambios regionales y ajustes espaciales a finales del siglo XIX y XX. El análisis ofrece observaciones importantes sobre el mecanismo de formación de la geografía económica de los estados en construcción o en transición. La tesis se estructura en cinco capítulos escritos en forma de artículos. Los tres primeros capítulos ofrecen estudios nacionales sobre el desarrollo regional y urbano de Bulgaria, Rumania y la ex Yugoslavia. Se puso de manifiesto las notables similitudes en la formación espacial de las nuevas economías nacionales después de la disolución del Imperio Austro-Hungría y el Imperio Otomano. El cuarto capítulo analiza la evolución espacial de toda la península durante el siglo XX. Y el último capítulo se centra en la transformación estructural de la economía de Bulgaria. La experiencia de los Balcanes ilustra cómo, en los estados de reciente creación o en proceso de formación con una economía preindustrial, las instituciones políticas juegan un papel importante en la determinación del desarrollo y las tendencias de la desigualdad regional. En general, en los estados balcánicos subdesarrollados y mayoritariamente centralizados, la iniciativa privada ha jugado un papel secundario. Las fronteras políticas y el marco institucional han sido los principales determinantes sobre las desigualdades en el crecimiento regional. Esta conclusión se ve confirmada por los datos sobre los sectores de ocupación de Bulgaria. Los gobiernos fueron capaces de influir de manera significativa en el desarrollo regional, mediante inversiones relativamente pequeñas en la infraestructura del transporte que tuvieron importantes efectos a largo plazo debido al efecto de los rendimientos crecientes. Las pequeñas ventajas iniciales durante el período pre-industrial, en la forma de importancia política y administrativa o acceso ferroviario, tuvieron efectos duraderos sobre la geografía económica. Más tarde, las transformaciones económicas y políticas tuvieron menor efecto sobre la geografía económica de las naciones balcánicas porque los beneficiarios del crecimiento económico fueron principalmente las ciudades y las regiones ya desarrolladas. / This thesis explores the uneven regional growth, the development of the urban network and the evolution of the railroads in the Balkans- one of the most diverse and turbulent regions of Europe. The states included in the study are Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Macedonia, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia and Kosovo. During the 19th and 20th centuries, these states underwent several radical political transformations that altered profoundly their socioeconomic development. The hypothesis of the current study is that these changes also affected the economic geography and the spatial distribution of the population in the region, and therefore the modern history of the Balkans provides a valuable opportunity to study the main determinants for the uneven regional growth. The correlations between political events and spatial development are illustrated and analyzed with the use of the created for the purposes of the study database. It includes historical geographical and transport information: like the changes to the national and regional borders, and the development of the railway network, and socioeconomic data: such as the evolution of urbanization and density rates at regional level, and the growth of the cities. The final result is a database with internationally comparable historical and geographical information covering the entire Balkan Peninsula, which therefore permits, for the first time, the establishment of an integrated, long run vision over the spatial development of the states in the peninsula. The thesis is organized into five chapters written in the form of articles. The first three chapters present national studies of the regional and urban development of Bulgaria, Romania and former Yugoslavia during the last 100-130 years. The results revealed remarkable similarities in the spatial formation of the new national economies after the dissolutions of Austro-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire. The fourth chapter explores the spatial trends of the entire peninsula during the 20th century. The last chapter focuses on the structural transformation of the Bulgarian economy. Overall, the experience of the Balkans illustrates how, in newly established pre-industrial states or in those in the process of formation, political institutions can play a major role in determining the trends of the spatial inequality. By and large, in the underdeveloped and predominantly centralized Balkans, private initiative has played lesser role and political borders and the institutional framework have been the main determinants for the uneven regional growth. The governments were able to influence significantly the regional development; by making relatively small investments in transport infrastructure which had significant effects in long run due to the self-enforcing nature of increasing returns. The small initial advantages during the preindustrial period, in the form of political and administrative importance or railway access, had a lasting effect over the economic geography. Later economic and political transformations were followed by a visible increase of the regional and spatial disparities; however they had lesser effect on the economic geography of the Balkan nations, as the principal benefiters of the economic growth were the already developed cities and regions.

In 1992, several thousand residents from northern Bosnia's Prijedor region were detained in the Omarska concentration camp, which was created and run on the site of an iron mine by the mine's own engineers, labourers and management. Often overlooked in discussions about the ethnoreligious nature of the Balkan conflict is the fact that Omarska's workers relied heavily on their technical knowledge (of organic compounds, geology and terrain, machinery) to generate new ways of concentrating and executing prisoners. / Anthropology

This thesis examines Turkey&rsquo / s Balkan policy in the Post-Cold War Era with regard to changing parameters in this region. Every crisis and conflicts in the Balkans affects not only Turkey but also all international actors. For this reason, it is argued that external dynamics rather than internal ones largely affected the change in Turkish foreign policy. It is pointed out that the policy maintained by Turkey during the wars and crisis in the Balkans, was harmonious with its power and capacity in international arena. After Bosnian War and Kosovo crisis the European Union (EU) policy towards the Balkans gained impetus. Turkey attempts to participate in both North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the EU initiatives in the Balkans for the sake of balancing Greece. Besides, Turkey encouraged and took an active role in the process of the Balkan countries to NATO and the EU for the sake of following the regulations being made for Turkish minority. Then, this thesis argues that the neo-Ottomanist ideas lost its significance as the process of EU&rsquo / s incorporation of the Balkans gains impetus.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Geschichtswissenschaften--Berlin--Freie Universität, 1984. / Bibliogr. p. 532-561. Index.

Friček, Michal.. Changes of geopolitical map of Balkan and their influence on security of the Czech Republic. Prague: Charles University in Prague. Faculty of Social Sciences. 2012. Number of words: 20 435. Number of letters: 125 104. Supervisor: Doc. PhDr. Bořivoj Hnízdo, PhD. This work evaluates objective risks for security of the Czech Republic resulting from geopolitical changes in Balkan according to respective security sectors. It is done specifically in military, social and political security. Evolution of these threats is compared with dynamic of military conflicts on territory of western Balkan. That is base for assessment of adequacy of securitization of these problems on the part of Czech security authorities. Keywords: security of the Czech Republic - Balkan geopolitics

The aim of the thesis is to explain how and why Turkey influences the development of the Balkan region in contemporary geopolitics. In order to determine the areas of influence I used Saul Cohen's book about the Geopolitics of the World System. I chose the geopolitical approaches and features, which are related to Turkey's activeness in the Balkan region. Moreover, Saul Cohen's equilibrium is taken into consideration in order to show how Turkey shifts, and will shift, the equilibrium to a new level. In the thesis I talk about sustainable development and corporate social responsibility to show that Turkish companies, as well as the government, are creating mutual needs in order to develop the region for further cooperation on an economic and political level. Additionally, I argue that energy cooperation can lead to greater benefits for Turkey, as an energy hub, and also for the Balkans, as a gateway to the European Union. In that sense, I argue that it is not a competition but rather cooperation between the European Union and Turkey in the Balkan region. By analyzing the economic and political activities of Turkey in the Balkan region, I came to the conclusion that Turkey is influencing the Balkan region for five reasons; these are shared history, human aspects, geography, economy and regional...

There were several changes from the global point of view during last decades. The European Union has enlarged itself by more than half of new members and it represents the biggest area of free trade in the world. Political integration of this unique international organization has also taken a place by accepting new treaties. Russia after the breakup of the Soviet Union overcame with the legacy of this empire and not only due to its geographical area is one of the world superpower now. The Balkans was from the historical view area of clashes between European powers and it is valid until now. The European Union has offered to Western Balkans countries full membership on behalf of Stabilisation and association agreement. On the other hand Russia expands its mainly economic interests with regional overlap and that's why the researched region swelled its geopolitical and geoeconomic significance. Thesis called "Balkans as geopolitical and geoconomic area between the European Union and Russian Federation" separated up to three connected parts. Theoretical and methodological part anchors thesis from theoretical perspective, presents operationalization of variables and defines the hypothesis. The most quantitatively extensive analytical part, which is divided into two parts, is focused on application of...