Cette étude esquisse les narratives concurrentes au sein de l’espace médiatique français par rapport à la perception des guerres balkaniques de 1912-1913 (guerre de civilisations contre guerre d’intérêts économiques, de libération/unification nationale, nouvelle croisade, guerre juste, contre guerre illégitime, guerre de conquête, nouvelle expédition colonialiste, discours pacifistes contre rhétoriques militaristes, approches nationalistes contre solutions fédéralistes). Elle participe également à un essai de schématisation de différents facteurs, paramètres et de leurs interactions (affinités personnelles, sensibilités idéologiques, intérêts économiques, considérations géopolitiques, couverture médiatique, représentations de Soi et de l’Autre, de l’Ici et de l’Ailleurs, du Passé, du Présent et du Futur) façonnant la perception d’un conflit par une société observatrice phénoménalement extérieure à son déroulement. Elle nous informe aussi sur les pratiques journalistiques et les goûts du public médiatique avec l’importance croissante des correspondants de guerre dans la médiatisation de la guerre et l’exigence d’une couverture sensationnelle, directe et omnisciente des événements. Elle explore également la place des Balkaniques, des Balkans et de l’histoire de cet espace dans l’imaginaire français de la Belle Époque et l’invitation des guerres balkaniques dans la vie politique, économique et socioculturelle française, à la veille de la Grande Guerre. Enfin, elle s’interroge sur le rôle des propagandes des belligérants dans la transformation de la presse en un champ de batailles médiatiques et représentationnelles, entre les acteurs directement impliqués dans le conflit et les observateurs extérieurs, s’exprimant dans l’espace médiatique français, avec comme enjeu majeur, la définition d’une entité politique et axiologique européenne. / This study outlines the competitive narratives of the 1912-1913 Balkan wars inside the French media landscape (national liberation/unification wars, new crusade, just war, versus illegitimate conquest war, new colonialist expedition, pacifist settlement versus militarist rhetoric, nationalist approaches versus federalist proposals). It is also a schematization essay of the different factors-parameters and their interactions, (personal affinities, ideological orientations, economical interests, geopolitical considerations, media coverage, representation of the Self and the Other, the Here and Elsewhere, the Past, the Present and the Future) intervening in one’s conflict perception on behalf of a phenomenally external society to its unfolding. It also informs us about journalistic practices and the media’s public tastes stretching the rising importance of war reporters and the demand for a sensational, direct and omniscient news coverage. It also explores the place of Balkan people, Balkans’ history and geography, in the imagination of French Belle Époque, as well as the way Balkan wars had been invited within French political, economical and socio-cultural life at the eve of the Great War. Finally, it questions the role of belligerents’ propagandas in the newspapers’ transformation at a media and representational battlefield between the actors directly concerned by the conflict and the external observers expressing themselves in French media, having as major stake the definition of a political and axiological European entity.

La projection des normes et des valeurs est un moyen par lesquels un acteur international gère et maintient un contrôle ou une influence sur un domaine particulier dans le système international. L'Union européenne (UE) suit cette logique dans sa politique étrangère, qui est guidée par une orientation normative à la défense de quelques valeurs. La promotion de ces normes donne un poids politique à sa performance sur la scène internationale. L'objet de cette recherche est les relations entre l'Union européenne et les Balkans occidentaux, ici représentée par les anciennes républiques yougoslaves de la Bosnie- Herzégovine, la Croatie, la Macédoine et la Serbie, dans la période 2000-2014. L'objectif de cette étude est d'analyser l'élargissement de l'UE aux Balkans occidentaux et de son rôle dans la réforme du secteur de sécurité dans les pays des Balkans. Cette analyse comprend des discussions sur la nature de l'UE et son rôle régional et international, la dynamique de l'intégration et de sécurité dans le voisinage européen et l'utilisation du principe de conditionnalité et du phénomène d'européanisation comme des expressions de la puissance normative de l'UE. L'hypothèse est que, grâce à sa puissance normative, l'UE exerce un pouvoir d'attraction irrésistible vers les pays des Balkans, qui les conduisent à accepter le processus d'adhésion, même s'ils ne sont pas contraints du consentement des règles. Par conséquent, la puissance normative de l'UE est plus une force d'attraction irrésistible qu'une imposition de normes - et c'est pour ça qu'elle constitue un soft power. Le processus d'élargissement, alors, peut être considéré comme un outil expansionniste de sa politique de soft power, constituant le moyen par lequel elle projette sa puissance régionale: la propagation des normes européennes est le principal instrument de la puissance de l'UE comme un système régional. En raison de l'exercice de ce pouvoir, nous suggérons que le processus d'élargissement affecte en quelque sorte la réforme du système de sécurité des pays des Balkans. Puisque l'un des principaux intérêts de l'UE dans les Balkans occidentaux est la sécurité de la région, le processus d'expansion interfère dans les réformes de sécurité de chaque État balkanique. Néanmoins, l'UE prend soin de sa sécurité et celle de ses membres à travers une politique d'expansion conditionné et institutionnalisé par elle. La méthodologie de cette étude est le développement d'outils théoriques pour représenter la puissance normative comme un outil de soft power dans les relations entre l'UE et les Balkans occidentaux. Le cadre des objets de recherche se fait en analysant leurs trajectoires de construction de l'État et de la tendance de la démocratie. Ensuite, le processus de Stabilisation et d'association est examinée ainsi que la performance des candidats des Balkans occidentaux, à travers l'analyse du contenu des instruments normatifs de l'UE et des entretiens avec les membres des divisions nationales et de l'UE liées à l'élargissement. Enfin, un modèle explicatif est conçu pour être appliqué au phénomène d'européanisation des réformes de sécurité dans le cadre du processus d'adhésion à l'UE, afin d'examiner l'effet de cette dernière dans les politiques du secteur de sécurité. En conclusion, l'UE devient influente dans le système international par la force de ses normes. C'est le cas du processus d'adhésion, où les règles sont exposées d'une manière irrésistible pour les joueurs de la dynamique d'intégration. Alors, l'UE se renforce comme un modèle régional en portant à sa sphère d'influence les États qui ne sont pas encore parties de celui-ci. / A projeção de normas e valores é um dos meios pelos quais um ator internacional consegue e mantém domínio ou influência sobre uma determinada área dentro do sistema internacional. A União Europeia (UE) segue esta lógica ao pautar sua política externa por um viés normativo, através da defesa de determinados valores nas relações exteriores. A promoção dessas normas é o que confere peso político à sua atuação no cenário internacional. Esta pesquisa tem como objeto as relações entre a União Europeia e a região dos Bálcãs Ocidentais, representada aqui pelas ex-repúblicas iugoslavas da Bósnia-Herzegovina, Croácia, Macedônia e Sérvia, no período 2000-2014. O foco deste estudo é o de analisar a ampliação da UE para os Bálcãs Ocidentais e sua influência na reforma do setor de segurança dos Estados balcânicos. Esta análise compreende a discussão da natureza da UE e de sua função regional e internacional; a dinâmica de integração e segurança na vizinhança europeia; e a utilização do princípio de condicionalidade e do fenômeno da europeização como expressões do poder normativo da UE. A hipótese é de que, através do seu poder normativo, a UE exerce um poder de atração irresistível em relação aos Estados balcânicos, o que os leva a aceitar o processo de adesão, visto que não são coagidos à anuência de suas regras. Assim, o poder normativo europeu é tido menos como uma imposição de normas e padrões e mais como um poder de atração ao qual não se pode resistir – e por isso é considerado uma forma de soft power. Logo, o processo de admissão à UE pode ser visto como uma ferramenta expansionista: a disseminação das normas europeias torna-se o seu principal instrumento de poder enquanto sistema regional. Como decorrência do exercício desse poder, sugere-se que o processo de adesão à UE tem impactado na reforma do setor de segurança dos países objeto de análise deste estudo. Sendo que um dos principais interesses da UE em relação aos Bálcãs Ocidentais é a segurança da região, o processo de expansão interfere nas reformas securitárias pelas quais cada Estado tem passado. Afirma-se, assim, que a UE trata da sua segurança e de seus membros através de uma política de expansão condicionada e institucionalizada pela entidade. A metodologia deste estudo parte do desenvolvimento de ferramentas teóricas para retratar o poder normativo como um mecanismo de soft power na relação entre a UE e os Bálcãs Ocidentais. O enquadramento dos objetos de pesquisa é feito pela análise de suas trajetórias de state-building e de tendência à democracia. A seguir, o Processo de Estabilização e Associação é examinado, bem como o desempenho dos candidatos balcânicos ocidentais, por meio da análise de conteúdo de instrumentos de normatização da UE e de entrevistas com membros das divisões nacionais e da UE ligadas ao enlargement. Por fim, um modelo explicativo é montado para ser aplicado ao fenômeno de europeização das reformas securitárias no quadro do processo de adesão à UE, a fim de se examinar o efeito deste último nas policies do setor de segurança. É possível perceber que a UE torna-se influente no sistema internacional muito mais pela força de suas normas do que por seu poder econômico ou militar. Este é o caso do processo de adesão, onde as regras são expostas de forma irresistível aos players da integração europeia: a UE se consolida como modelo regional ao trazer para sua esfera de influência os Estados que ainda não fazem parte do bloco. / The projection of norms and values is one of the means by which an international actor manages and maintains control or influence over a particular area within the international system. The European Union (EU) follows this logic in its foreign policy, which is guided by a normative bias through the defense of certain values in external relations. The promotion of these standards is what gives political weight to its performance on the international system. The object of this research are the relations between the European Union and the Western Balkans, here represented by the former Yugoslav republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia, in the period 2000-2014. The focus of this study is to analyze the EU enlargement to the Western Balkans and its role in reforming the security sector in the Balkan states. This analysis includes a discussion of the nature of the EU and its regional and international role as well as the dynamics of integration and security in the European neighborhood and the use of the principle of conditionality and the Europeanization as expressions of EU’s normative power. The hypothesis is that, through its normative power, the EU exerts a power of irresistible attraction towards the Balkan states, which leads them to accept the accession process since they are not coerced into the consent of the rules. Therefore, the EU’s normative power is less an imposition of EU norms and standards and more an irresistible attraction force - and that it is why it constitutes a soft power. The enlargement process, then, can be seen as an expansionist tool of its soft power policy, constituting the way by which the EU projects its regional power: the spread of European standards is the main instrument of power of the Union as a regional system. Because of the exercise of this power, we suggest that the enlargement process affects the security system reform of the Western Balkan countries. Since one of EU’s main interests in Western Balkans is the security of the region (and therefore the guarantee of its own security), the expansion process interferes in the security reforms each state has been promoting. Nonetheless, we can say the EU takes care of its safety and that of its members through a policy of expansion conditioned and institutionalized by it. The methodology of this study is the development of theoretical tools to portray the normative power as a soft power tool in the relations between the EU and the Western Balkans. The framework of the research objects is done by analyzing their trajectories of state-building and their democratic tendency. Next, the Stabilisation and Association Process is examined as well as the performance of Western Balkan candidates, through the content analysis of normative instruments of the EU and interviews with members of the EU and national divisions linked to the enlargement process. Finally, an explanatory model is developed to be applied to the Europeanization phenomenon of the security reforms within the framework of the EU accession process, in order to examine the effect of the latter in the security sector policies. Concluding, it is clear that the EU becomes influential in the international system much more by the force of its norms and standards than for its economic or military power. This is the case of the accession process, where the rules are exposed in an irresistible way to the players of the integration: the EU strengthens itself as a regional model by bringing to its sphere of influence those states that are not yet part of it.

La projection des normes et des valeurs est un moyen par lesquels un acteur international gère et maintient un contrôle ou une influence sur un domaine particulier dans le système international. L'Union européenne (UE) suit cette logique dans sa politique étrangère, qui est guidée par une orientation normative à la défense de quelques valeurs. La promotion de ces normes donne un poids politique à sa performance sur la scène internationale. L'objet de cette recherche est les relations entre l'Union européenne et les Balkans occidentaux, ici représentée par les anciennes républiques yougoslaves de la Bosnie- Herzégovine, la Croatie, la Macédoine et la Serbie, dans la période 2000-2014. L'objectif de cette étude est d'analyser l'élargissement de l'UE aux Balkans occidentaux et de son rôle dans la réforme du secteur de sécurité dans les pays des Balkans. Cette analyse comprend des discussions sur la nature de l'UE et son rôle régional et international, la dynamique de l'intégration et de sécurité dans le voisinage européen et l'utilisation du principe de conditionnalité et du phénomène d'européanisation comme des expressions de la puissance normative de l'UE. L'hypothèse est que, grâce à sa puissance normative, l'UE exerce un pouvoir d'attraction irrésistible vers les pays des Balkans, qui les conduisent à accepter le processus d'adhésion, même s'ils ne sont pas contraints du consentement des règles. Par conséquent, la puissance normative de l'UE est plus une force d'attraction irrésistible qu'une imposition de normes - et c'est pour ça qu'elle constitue un soft power. Le processus d'élargissement, alors, peut être considéré comme un outil expansionniste de sa politique de soft power, constituant le moyen par lequel elle projette sa puissance régionale: la propagation des normes européennes est le principal instrument de la puissance de l'UE comme un système régional. En raison de l'exercice de ce pouvoir, nous suggérons que le processus d'élargissement affecte en quelque sorte la réforme du système de sécurité des pays des Balkans. Puisque l'un des principaux intérêts de l'UE dans les Balkans occidentaux est la sécurité de la région, le processus d'expansion interfère dans les réformes de sécurité de chaque État balkanique. Néanmoins, l'UE prend soin de sa sécurité et celle de ses membres à travers une politique d'expansion conditionné et institutionnalisé par elle. La méthodologie de cette étude est le développement d'outils théoriques pour représenter la puissance normative comme un outil de soft power dans les relations entre l'UE et les Balkans occidentaux. Le cadre des objets de recherche se fait en analysant leurs trajectoires de construction de l'État et de la tendance de la démocratie. Ensuite, le processus de Stabilisation et d'association est examinée ainsi que la performance des candidats des Balkans occidentaux, à travers l'analyse du contenu des instruments normatifs de l'UE et des entretiens avec les membres des divisions nationales et de l'UE liées à l'élargissement. Enfin, un modèle explicatif est conçu pour être appliqué au phénomène d'européanisation des réformes de sécurité dans le cadre du processus d'adhésion à l'UE, afin d'examiner l'effet de cette dernière dans les politiques du secteur de sécurité. En conclusion, l'UE devient influente dans le système international par la force de ses normes. C'est le cas du processus d'adhésion, où les règles sont exposées d'une manière irrésistible pour les joueurs de la dynamique d'intégration. Alors, l'UE se renforce comme un modèle régional en portant à sa sphère d'influence les États qui ne sont pas encore parties de celui-ci. / A projeção de normas e valores é um dos meios pelos quais um ator internacional consegue e mantém domínio ou influência sobre uma determinada área dentro do sistema internacional. A União Europeia (UE) segue esta lógica ao pautar sua política externa por um viés normativo, através da defesa de determinados valores nas relações exteriores. A promoção dessas normas é o que confere peso político à sua atuação no cenário internacional. Esta pesquisa tem como objeto as relações entre a União Europeia e a região dos Bálcãs Ocidentais, representada aqui pelas ex-repúblicas iugoslavas da Bósnia-Herzegovina, Croácia, Macedônia e Sérvia, no período 2000-2014. O foco deste estudo é o de analisar a ampliação da UE para os Bálcãs Ocidentais e sua influência na reforma do setor de segurança dos Estados balcânicos. Esta análise compreende a discussão da natureza da UE e de sua função regional e internacional; a dinâmica de integração e segurança na vizinhança europeia; e a utilização do princípio de condicionalidade e do fenômeno da europeização como expressões do poder normativo da UE. A hipótese é de que, através do seu poder normativo, a UE exerce um poder de atração irresistível em relação aos Estados balcânicos, o que os leva a aceitar o processo de adesão, visto que não são coagidos à anuência de suas regras. Assim, o poder normativo europeu é tido menos como uma imposição de normas e padrões e mais como um poder de atração ao qual não se pode resistir – e por isso é considerado uma forma de soft power. Logo, o processo de admissão à UE pode ser visto como uma ferramenta expansionista: a disseminação das normas europeias torna-se o seu principal instrumento de poder enquanto sistema regional. Como decorrência do exercício desse poder, sugere-se que o processo de adesão à UE tem impactado na reforma do setor de segurança dos países objeto de análise deste estudo. Sendo que um dos principais interesses da UE em relação aos Bálcãs Ocidentais é a segurança da região, o processo de expansão interfere nas reformas securitárias pelas quais cada Estado tem passado. Afirma-se, assim, que a UE trata da sua segurança e de seus membros através de uma política de expansão condicionada e institucionalizada pela entidade. A metodologia deste estudo parte do desenvolvimento de ferramentas teóricas para retratar o poder normativo como um mecanismo de soft power na relação entre a UE e os Bálcãs Ocidentais. O enquadramento dos objetos de pesquisa é feito pela análise de suas trajetórias de state-building e de tendência à democracia. A seguir, o Processo de Estabilização e Associação é examinado, bem como o desempenho dos candidatos balcânicos ocidentais, por meio da análise de conteúdo de instrumentos de normatização da UE e de entrevistas com membros das divisões nacionais e da UE ligadas ao enlargement. Por fim, um modelo explicativo é montado para ser aplicado ao fenômeno de europeização das reformas securitárias no quadro do processo de adesão à UE, a fim de se examinar o efeito deste último nas policies do setor de segurança. É possível perceber que a UE torna-se influente no sistema internacional muito mais pela força de suas normas do que por seu poder econômico ou militar. Este é o caso do processo de adesão, onde as regras são expostas de forma irresistível aos players da integração europeia: a UE se consolida como modelo regional ao trazer para sua esfera de influência os Estados que ainda não fazem parte do bloco. / The projection of norms and values is one of the means by which an international actor manages and maintains control or influence over a particular area within the international system. The European Union (EU) follows this logic in its foreign policy, which is guided by a normative bias through the defense of certain values in external relations. The promotion of these standards is what gives political weight to its performance on the international system. The object of this research are the relations between the European Union and the Western Balkans, here represented by the former Yugoslav republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia, in the period 2000-2014. The focus of this study is to analyze the EU enlargement to the Western Balkans and its role in reforming the security sector in the Balkan states. This analysis includes a discussion of the nature of the EU and its regional and international role as well as the dynamics of integration and security in the European neighborhood and the use of the principle of conditionality and the Europeanization as expressions of EU’s normative power. The hypothesis is that, through its normative power, the EU exerts a power of irresistible attraction towards the Balkan states, which leads them to accept the accession process since they are not coerced into the consent of the rules. Therefore, the EU’s normative power is less an imposition of EU norms and standards and more an irresistible attraction force - and that it is why it constitutes a soft power. The enlargement process, then, can be seen as an expansionist tool of its soft power policy, constituting the way by which the EU projects its regional power: the spread of European standards is the main instrument of power of the Union as a regional system. Because of the exercise of this power, we suggest that the enlargement process affects the security system reform of the Western Balkan countries. Since one of EU’s main interests in Western Balkans is the security of the region (and therefore the guarantee of its own security), the expansion process interferes in the security reforms each state has been promoting. Nonetheless, we can say the EU takes care of its safety and that of its members through a policy of expansion conditioned and institutionalized by it. The methodology of this study is the development of theoretical tools to portray the normative power as a soft power tool in the relations between the EU and the Western Balkans. The framework of the research objects is done by analyzing their trajectories of state-building and their democratic tendency. Next, the Stabilisation and Association Process is examined as well as the performance of Western Balkan candidates, through the content analysis of normative instruments of the EU and interviews with members of the EU and national divisions linked to the enlargement process. Finally, an explanatory model is developed to be applied to the Europeanization phenomenon of the security reforms within the framework of the EU accession process, in order to examine the effect of the latter in the security sector policies. Concluding, it is clear that the EU becomes influential in the international system much more by the force of its norms and standards than for its economic or military power. This is the case of the accession process, where the rules are exposed in an irresistible way to the players of the integration: the EU strengthens itself as a regional model by bringing to its sphere of influence those states that are not yet part of it.

Entre le traité de Berlin de 1878 et le déclenchement de la Première Guerre mondiale, les puissances européennes tentent d'empêcher les désordres balkaniques de compromettre la paix continentale et mondiale. Pour cette raison, et parce que leurs diplomates interprètent les violences balkaniques essentiellement comme des faits de brigandage et non comme l'expression de mouvements politiques indépendantistes, les puissances européennes vont imposer à l'empire ottoman de réformer les gendarmeries de ses provinces de Roumélie orientale, de Crète, de Macédoine et d'Albanie par le truchement de leurs propres officiers. Cette thèse d'histoire militaire se veut tout à la fois une histoire institutionnelle et une histoire des acteurs. Il s'agit en effet de savoir dans quelles conditions le modèle gendarmique occidental a pu être greffé et adapté aux réalités sociales et culturelles orientales au travers de l'action de quelques officiers européens chargés de collaborer les uns avec les autres et de se confronter à une réalité balkanique qui leur était souvent étrangère. Cette approche permet de renouveler l'étude du concert européen et de son grippage progressif en soulignant la méfiance réciproque des puissances les unes vis-à-vis des autres et l’ambiguïté des ordres que chacune d'elle donne à ses propres officiers. Elle permet également de saisir la dynamique des opérations d'ingérence internationale et la façon dont l’État cible peut chercher à s'y soustraire. Elle donne enfin à voir la difficulté d'une institution de maintien de l'ordre, dont les traditions administratives sont issues du modèle de l’État-nation français, à s'adapter à des sociétés politiques fragmentées et en construction afin d'assurer la protection de toutes les minorités. / Between the Treaty of Berlin of 1878 and the outbreak of the First World War, the European powers tried to prevent the Balkan disorders from compromising continental and world peace. For this reason, and because their diplomats interpreted the Balkan violences essentially as acts of brigandage and not as the expression of independentist political movements, the European powers imposed on the Ottoman Empire reforms of the gendarmeries of its provinces of Eastern Rumelia, Crete, Macedonia and Albania implemented by their own officers.This thesis of military history is both an institutional history and a history of the actors. One has tried to determin under what conditions the western gendarmic model could be grafted and adapted to the Eastern social and cultural realities through the action of a few European officers in charge of collaborating with each other and confronting the Balkan reality that was often foreign to them. This approach makes it possible to renew the study of the European concert and its progressive seizure by highlighting the mutual mistrust of the powers one against the other and the ambiguity of the orders that each one gave to its own officers.It also captures the dynamics of international interference and how the target state can seek to escape from it. Finally, it reveals the difficulty of an institution of policing, whose administrative traditions stem from the model of the French nation-state, to adapt to fragmented political societies under construction in order to ensure the protection of all minorities.

Dans ce mémoire, les transformations historiques des Balkans après 1989 s'articulent selon l'axe principal de la transition démocratique dans un contexte post-communiste et s'observent à travers trois thèmes principaux que sont la transition inachevée des Balkans et la transition ratée de l'ex-Yougoslavie, la montée des nationalismes à caractère ethnique et finalement l'éclatement de la guerre, synonyme de l'échec de l'ex-Yougoslavie. À travers un discours très souvent poétique et imagé, trois cinéastes nous proposent leurs représentations de ces transformations. Avec la méthode de O'Connor, qui étudie le film comme représentation de l'histoire, Le regard d'Ulysse, Before the Rain et Underground sont analysés et démontrent leur pertinence à évoquer les thèmes de ce mémoire. Les cinéastes nous représentent les bouleversements des Balkans en mettant en scène les manifestations de la transition démocratique difficile plutôt que ses causes historiques. Il existe donc un écart entre le discours filmique et l'analyse historienne. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2013

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

This study is focused on a highly topical theme, which belongs to the pluralist practice of cultural studies, and aims at investigating a remarkable phenomenon of identity-shaping and cross-cultural exchange. Starting from an analysis of Dracula as the epitomized image of the Balkans (and of Romania, more specifically) abroad, this paper provides a comprehensive historical and (con)textual analysis of the myth, enlarged to incorporate it into the fictions of exile and to draw the reader's attention to the "demonic" dimension of the Balkan area in general, and the Romanian area in particular. The first chapter provides a theoretical overview meant to clarify the production of racial, ethnic, and gender stereotypes, as well as to suggest a more accurate delimitation of these from the generous (and generously used notion of) cultural encounters. While most stereotypes result from common experience, generally acquired in a direct way, due to education, geographic proximity, work relations, political alliances and hostilities, colonial domination, etc. the cultural stereotypes are imposed upon us in an indirect way, by means of oral or written literature, visual arts, music, and other widely-spread recording means. The second chapter aims at exemplifying their mechanism and spreading force by analyzing probably the oldest cultural stereotype, contemporary with the appearance of Guttenberg's printing press: the South-Eastern European myth of Dracula. With this goal in mind, I begin by considering the historical origins of the myth, and then explore closely its proliferation through German, Russian, Romanian, Italian, and Byzantine channels as early as Vlad the Impaler's lifetime. Moving across centuries to Bram Stoker's Dracula, I pay special attention to the cultural environment that made possible the instant success of his novel. I also offer a brief survey of the main directions taken by the impressive interpretive corpus on Bram Stoker's novel, with a particular focus on exploring the main ideas promoted by the Hibernian school of criticism. The chapter ends with an analysis of the Gothic romance and the current vogue of vampire stories in popular culture, be it written, cinematic, or electronic. In the last chapter, I broaden the discussion by analyzing Dracula's stereotypical correlation with the Transylvanian area as a cultural phenomenon reflecting the "oxymoronic image," half Oriental and half European, represented by the Balkans in the Western perception. I discuss this as part of a more general pattern that shapes directions for minor cultures that are dramatically "different" from the successful trajectories of the major ones. The painful knowledge of their peripheral position favors a phenomenon of "cultural Bovarism," describing, according to Sorin Antohi, the intellectuals' disposition to leapfrog into a better place in order to assert themselves. In this light, I try to shift attention from Dracula's exclusive association with Romania to the exceptional generation of Romanian intellectuals who left the country at the beginning of the 20th century and who initiated some of the most radical cultural renovations in the West. Constantin Brâncuşi, a pioneer of the abstract sculpture in Paris, Tristan Tzara, Marcel Iancu, and Victor Brauner, the founders of the Dadaist movement in Zürich, Ilarie Voronca, a founder of the surrealist movement in France, and Eugène Ionesco, the most distinguished representative of the Theater of the Absurd, are all figures of global relevance that chose exile as a means of spiritual survival. Finally, a brief historical survey underlines the Romanians' presence on the American continent, changing the focus from the Western stereotypical correlation of Romania with "Dracula's land," to the Eastern-European representation of America as the "the country of all opportunities" and the "land of the free." I draw attention to the fact that stereotypes depict a movement in a double direction: not only do cultures generate their own stereotypes, but they also perpetuate the stereotypes created by the "significant Other," urging us to reconsider the "central" and "marginal" notions from a more complex perspective.

Legal aspects of the accession of Croatia to the European Union Abstract The EU enlargement policy is a fundamental instrument of the EU's foreign and security policy that enables Union to achieve its goals such as creating a common area of peace, stability and prosperity. Since the Western Balkans has experienced an armed conflict in the recent past and since these countries are direct neighbors of the European Union, the Balkan region represents an essentially important area in the strategic plans of the EU. The European Union as well as the Western Balkans' countries strives for the full integration into the European structures. In the context of the ongoing post-war reconstruction in the region Croatia's accession into the EU represents a significant historical moment. Croatia has already passed through the whole accession process and can act as a model example for other Balkan countries. In this thesis author mainly aims to map in detail the course of the accession process in general and understand the specifics of the Croatian accession in the context of the European policy towards Western Balkans. Although the EU has set down the accession criteria and procedural rules, accession process of every candidate state is different and depends on the actual situation of the country in question. This thesis...

OTTOMAN HOUSES IN ANATOLIA AND THE BALKANS Ottoman houses in Anatolia and the Balkans are situated in the areas, which were the part of the Ottoman Empire during many centuries and where the Ottoman centralized legal system was applied. This houses belonged to Muslims and Christians, who were local landowners, merchants, and craftsmen. Design of the houses reflects the statute and lifestyle of their owners. Most of the preserved houses originate from the 17th century until the transition of the 19th to the 20th century. They are multi-storeyed houses, which have some external and internal features. It is typical that they have overlapping upper storey to the sides, which are buttressed by wooden braces. Most frequently their ground floor is walled from stones and the upper floors has wooden, half-timbered frame with the filling of an unburnt bricks. The ground floor was used as a service area and on the upper floors there are habitable rooms. These rooms were divided into the male and the female-family section, they could be also divided according to the seasons to the rooms for the winter living and for the summer living. Specific feature of the rooms in ottoman houses is mulifunctionality.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This research will assess the counter-terrorism policy options available to Albanian authorities. As part of this investigation, it will consider the nature of the terrorism threat, review the counter-terrorism policies that have been pursued in the past, and weigh the strengths and weaknesses of the current policy. These elements will provide background for an analysis of the available policy models on the basis of four main criteria: 1) political feasibility; 2) legal and constitutional constraints; 3) foreign policy objectives and 4) effectiveness. The state policy options this study will analyze can be placed under four broad categories: a) deterrence through hard line measures including military operation and emergency powers; b) co-option and conciliation; c) pursuit of sanctuary or a passive policy; or d) deterrence via criminal justice. All these options might be plausibly implemented by Albania; indeed they have been used at different times in different countries. The working hypothesis of this investigation is that a policy based mainly on deterrence through criminal justice will be the most effective way to counter the internal threats that Albania faces while improving the countrys international standing. / Civilian, Ministry of Defense of Albania