A Study Project presented to the Graduate School of Business of the University of Stellenbosch In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Business Administration / Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study project investigates various approaches to the distribution of beer within a changing South African environment. The Eastern Cape Liquor Act (Act 10 of 2003) became operational on the 14th September 2004. Section 71 (6) to (10) provides for the temporary registration of shebeens for a period of 12 months. The aim of this legislation is to normalise the liquor retail industry. Instead of having sUbsistence illegal shebeens operating, the governments thrust is to assist shebeens converting to formal legitimised taverner businesses. Over 14000 temporary licenses were granted in the Eastern Cape area. The aim of these temporary licenses was to give shebeens 12 months in which to apply for a permanent license without harassment from the authorities. This now gave liquor suppliers like South African Breweries (SAB) the opportunity to deliver directly to these taverns thus shortening the traditional supply chain and reducing price margins. SAB has seen this change in the environment as a strategic opportunity. It has included market penetration as one of its key thrusts in its strategic 3 year business plan. Market penetration simply means assisting shebeens with their license applications, customer attraction through value adding sales and distribution service offerings, penetration through delivering beer to every licensed customer ordering 10 cases or more and the retention of these customers through the offering of a world class service. Through an extensive literature review and the ground breaking work completed at SAB, a five pillar market penetration model has been developed. These pillars include the completion of a market potential survey, the assistance with licensing, taverner training to ensure successful businesses, distribution penetration and lastly competitor analysis. The SAB Perseverance Depot in Port Elizabeth has been used over the last 10 months as a pilot site to test the market penetration strategic initiative. The impact on depot key performance indicators and cost are investigated based on different service offerings. Due to the delivery base more than doubling in 6 months, resource and capacity models are also introduced. All indications show that this market penetration strategic initiative is going to be SAB's future business model in South Africa. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studieveld bestudeer verskillende maniere om bier te versprei in 'n veranderende Suid Afrikaanse omgewing. Die Oos Kaapse Drank Wet (Wet 10 van 2003) is bekragtig op die 14 September 2004. Artikel 71 (6) to (10) laat dit toe vir 'n shebeen om 'n tydelike lisensie vir 12 maande te bekom. Die doel van die wetgewing is om die drank industrie te normaliseer. In plaas daarvan om onwettig te bestuur laat die regering toe vir shebeens om wettige tavernes te bedryf. Meer as 14000 tydelike lisensies is in die Oos Kaap uitgereik. Die doel van die tydelike lisensies was om 12 maande grasie te gee aan shebeens om aansoek te doen vir permanente lisensies sonder enige inmenging van die owerhede. Hierdie besluit het dit moontlik gemaak vir drank verskaffers so os Suid Afrikaanse Brouerye om direk by die shebeens af te lewer en dus die verskaffingsketting te verkort en prysmarges te verminder. SAB het die verandering in die omgewing as 'n strategiese moontlikheid aanvaar. Mark penetrasie is een van SAB se doelwitte soos gedefinieer in die 3 jaar besigheidsplan. Die doel van mark penetrasie is om shebeens met lisensie aansoeke te help, goeie verkoop en distribusie diens te offer, en om die kliente te behou deur 'n wereld klas diens te offer. SAB het na intensiewe studies die "pillar" mark penetrasie model ontwikkel. Hierdie pilare sluit in die mark potensiaal studie, die lisensie hulpverskaffing, taverne opleiding om suksesvolle besighede te verseker, distribusie penetrasie en laastens die studie van mededingers in die mark. Perseverance Depot in Port Elizabeth het die afgelope 10 maande intensief gewerk aan die strategiese doel. Die impak op die depot se sleutel prestasie-areas en kostes word gemeet teen verskillende dienslewerings opsies. Aangesien die kliente basis meer as verdubbel het oor die afgelope ses maande is daar verskeie hulpbron modelle in werking geplaas.

Thesis(M.A.(African Languages)) --University of Limpopo, 2012 / Ndzi ba mandla ndzi vuyelela eka wena Dokodela N.E. Nxumalo, muleteriwa mina eka dyondzo leyi. A wu ndzi helelanga mbilu hambiloko swi pfa swi gonya swiganga.A wu ndzi tiyisa nhlana hi masiku hinkwawo.Ndzi ri khanimambo Ndwandwe! Ndzi khensa Xikwembu Tatana wa hina loyi a nga yena a ndzi tumbuluxeke, a tlhela a ndzi nyika vutomi ni vutlhari byo humelerisa xitsalwana lexi hi mfanelo. Ndzi ngava ndzi endla xihoxo loko ndzo rivala wena nkatanga, Cakes Colbert Nukeri ku va u ndzi seketerile no ndzi komba rirhandzu eka ntirho lowu. Hambi leswi a ndzi pfa ndzi ku siya na vana, a wu ndzi helelanga mbilu. Vavanuna vo fana na wena va hlayiwa hi tintiho eka leyi misava. Xikwembu a xi ku katekise Gunela.Eka vana va mina Vialli, Sakhile naTalita, ndzi khensa nseketelo lowu mi ndzi kombeke wona. A mi pfa mi pfumala rirhandzu ra manana loko ndza ha yile ku ya handza vutivi.Ndza khensa vana va mina ku tiyisela ka n’wina. Eka vatswari va mina Tatana Samson na nghamu Selina N’wa-Malesa Ngoveni, ndzi pfumala marito yo khensa eka rirhandzu leri mi ndzi kombeke rona. Vamakwerhu Xitlhangoma, N’wa-Khada, Calvin, Charles na Mcgyver, ndzi khensa nseketelo wa n’wina vana va mhani. Na n’wina kokwana Midjadji, kokwana N’wa-Mongwe, kokwana N’wa-Hlabathi,kokwana N’wa-Juliyazi,Mhani Mphephu, Hahani N`wa Xitlhangoma na kokwani N`wa-Jakobo,ndzi ba mandla ndzi vuyelela. A mi nga karhalin loko ndzi tshama ndzi ri karhi ndzi mi vutisela swivutiso. Hosi a yi mi endle hi tintswalo. A ndzi mi rivalangi na n’wina mhaninkulu N’wa-July Mabunda na Sesi Ednah Mhinga. Mi ndzi khatsisile ndzima leyi. Ndzi ri kudya hi ku engeta. Ndzi hetelela hi ku khensa makwerhu Florence Motupa na Mixo Nkuna lava va nga vathayipi

In June 1959 there were widespread riots and disturbances in the Durban African area of Cato Manor. The fundamental causes were socio-economic; arising from such factors as poor living conditions and widespread poverty. But it was the exhaustive beer-raids on illegal stills that provided a flashpoint. It was illegal for Africans to brew their own beer; instead they were obliged to purchase it from the municipal beer-halls - the money then being used for the development and administration of African facilities, (l) Amongst the inhabitants of Cato Manor and particularly amongst women who traditionally brewed the beer, this caused much dissatisfaction. However, discontent was prevented from reaching breaking -point by the police strategy of ignoring illegal brewing as long as amounts did not exceed more than k to 8 gallons, and also by only carrying out very perfunctory raids. (2) Another dimension was added to the beer-hall issue in the form of complaints by women that this was not the traditional way of doing things. They said that men should obtain beer from their women instead of frequenting the beer halls, and more importantly, by patronising the beer-halls, men were depriving their women of what little money they could have paid them. (3) In this complaint centering around the fact that an element of traditional life was being disrupted, is contained another issue of basic importance to the Natal riots in general. The policies of the government as implemented by the Durban Corporation in the case of Cato Manor meant the fragmentation of a traditional and still important social order. The economic function of the women of Cato Manor, and ass will be seen later, of most Natal women was being removed. In addition to basic deprivation it was this factor that can to a large extent be seen as the reason for the intensity and militancy of the women's attacks on the beer-halls and on Corporation property. Cato Manor was an area unique among the locations and townships of Durban. Its inhabitants had moved there in the years just after the war without any official sanction. Cato Manor was unplanned, and as a result of its spontaneous creation far less controlled and policed than any of the townships set up as a result of government planning. Because of this freedom Cato Manor was a haven for all those who were illegally in the urban areas, or whose livelihood contravened the multitude of rules and regulations governing the lives of Africans. Cato Manor's large population of shebeen queens owed its existence to this lack of control. (4) In 1958 there had been considerable discontent and unrest in Cato Manor over the attempt to implement shack-removal schemes, thereby clearing the slum and transferring much of its population to the new township of Kwa Mashu. At Kwa Mashu where rents were higher and which was also less centrally situated than Cato Manor, there was far more rigid control. Removals would have in effect meant that. Cato Manor's large illegal population, including the shebeen Queens and petty traders, would have been deprived of their livelihoods or endorsed out of the urban areas. (5) It was in this context that threats of a Typhoid epidemic in June 1959 caused the Durban Corporation to decide to radically increase and improve sanitation measures in Cato Manor, and to eliminate any conditions conducive to the breeding of flies. The refusal of the inhabitants of Cato Manor to do away with the large quantities of illegal liquor negated the health measures taken by the authorities. Finally, municipal labourers were ordered to enter Cato Manor and destroy all stills. The resentment aroused by this action caused a large group of women to march on the Booth Road Beerhall on June 17th whereupon they chased out the male customers and destroyed the beer. (6) The rioting spread rapidly to other Durban beerhalls and a large proportion of the Corporations property was destroyed. In addition, a successful beer boycott was launched. In Cato Manor violence had subsided by the beginning of July at which time it had already spread to such areas as Verulam and Umbumbulu. Six weeks after the initial rioting essential services had not yet been restored fully in Cato Manor. By the beginning of August unrest was rife in many of Natal's smaller towns as well as a large section of the rural areas.