Access to clean water and improved sanitation are basic human right. This quantitative, descriptive study sought to establish current water and sanitation coverage in Chirumanzu and Shurugwi districts in Zimbabwe and develop methods of assessing coverage using Geographic Information Systems. Google Earth was used to identify homesteads. Personal digital assistant-based forms were used to collect geo-referenced data on all water points and selected households. Geospatial analysis methods were used to calculate borehole water coverage. Using Google Earth, 29375 homesteads were identified. The water survey mapped 4134 water points; 821 were boreholes; and only 548 were functional. Functional borehole water coverage was: 57.3%, 46.2%, and 33.5% for distance from household to water point of within 1500 m, 1000 m, and 500 m respectively. Sanitation coverage was 44.3%, but 96% of the latrines did not meet Blair Ventilated Pit latrine standards. / Health Studies / M.A. (Public Health) (Medical Informatics)

This Bachelor thesis deals with fictional documentaries, and the aim is to show the aesthetics and the problems with the constructed reality that these films contain. The main focus is how this reality is constructed, which documentary aesthetic methods can be found and in what way you can see that it is a fictional movie and not a documentary. The analysis deals with the three movies, Rampljus, The Blair Witch Project and Påtryckaren. The movies are analysed from a documentary perspective and the method beeing used is constructed for this thesis to find some answers behind the fictional ocumentaries. / Uppsatsen behandlar fiktiv dokumentärfilm och vill lyfta fram dess estetik samt belysa den problematik kring det veklighetsanspråk som dessa filmer spelar på. Tyngdpunkten ligger på hur detta verklighetsanspråk skapas, vilka dokumentärt estetiska grepp som finns samt på vilket sätt det går att skönja att det är en spelfilm och inte en dokumentärfilm. I analysen behandlas de tre filmerna Rampljus, The Blair Witch Project och Påtryckaren. Filmerna analyseras utifrån ett dokumentärt perspektiv och den metod som använts är konstruerad för denna uppsats för att få svar på frågorna den fiktiva dokumentärfilmen.

The 'special relationship' between the United States and the United Kingdom has existed since the beginning of the 1940s. During the Second World War, a strong alliance emerged that was based on a defense policy against a common enemy and a shared value principle. Throughout the Cold War, the special relationship evolved from a weakening of mutual relations in 1960s and 1970s to a renewed rapprochement in 1980s, mainly because of the shared opinions of the U.S. President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. After the geopolitical changes in 1989 a debate developed over the future of their special relationship. The question was whether (or in what form) the transatlantic alliance will continue to remain. The 9/11 terrorist attacks upon the United States gave the answer to this question and provided the impetus for renewed mutual British-American relations. Immediately after the attacks, the United Kingdom expressed its full support for the US-led fight against terrorism and followed the United States first into Afghanistan and later into Iraq. However, both President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair were strongly criticized that their war engagement, particularly in relation to the war in Iraq, had been unlawful and was based on false evidence supporting the...

By using a qualitative content analysis and cognitive mapping, the purpose of the thesis is to investigate the decision-making of political leaders in extraordinary situations. The thesis focuses on the case of Tony Blair and his decision to invade Iraq in 2003. The cognitive map of political elites by Robert Axelrod is used to form a cognitive map to illustrate and represent the beliefs of Blair. The research question is what formed Blair’s decision to invade Iraq in 2003? Three time periods are analyzed: before, during and after the war. The results show that intervention should be accepted and no intervention should be rejected. This is with regard to the British utility. The motives for the intervention was Blair’s belief in spreading democratic values and rights. Something which would generate stability and progress for Britain, as well as, for other countries. To end human suffering, WMD trade and terrorism were also among the motives for the intervention. To strengthen the strategic relationship with Russia through intervention was important and the relationship with the U.S. even more. No intervention would increase the ineffective containment and strengthen the regime of Hussein. No intervention would also increase WMD (trade, development and use), terrorism, destruction and people suffering and dying on a mass-scale. Altogether this would negatively impact the British utility.

Britain's attitude towards the European integration has been an uneasy one since its' inception and it thus represents one of the spheres of British politics that has attracted the most attention and that has been one of the most divisive issues of the domestic politics. The British attitude has however responded to the dynamical development of the political integration in Europe. The aim of the thesis is to assess Britain's attitude towards the political integration in Europe and to prove that, despite its dynamical development, the elements of Euroscepticism prevail over the elements of Europeanization. With respect to the aim, the thesis is divided into three chapters. The first one explains the political integration and charts its development and defines the modern concept of Euroscepticism and Europeanization. The second chapter deals with Britain's attitude towards the European integration, its historical background and its development immediately after the Second World War. Substantial part of the chapter is devoted to the analysis of the British attitude towards the milestones of the political integration. The final chapter looks at the stance of the governments of Tony Blair and the current Conservative-led coalition on the political integration and compares them so as to study its development.

Dans cette étude doctorale, nous analysons l'évolution des approches stratégiques de Tony Blair sur le processus de paix entre Israël et les Palestiniens à la suite de la mutation institutionnelle du Premier ministre en Représentant du Quartet. Nous examinons les postulats des théories de socialisation selon lesquels la socialisation dans les institutions internationales peut produire des changements dans la perception du problème et les identités des agents. Afin d'évaluer s'il y avait des changements dans les approches de Tony Blair en qualité de médiateur du Quartet, nous avons étudié sa vision du problème durant les années où il fut Premier ministre britannique. Pour cette raison, notre travail doctoral représente une étude de deux cas qui correspondent aux deux contextes institutionnels. Le premier cas est divisé en deux parties inégales : a) du 11 septembre, 2001 à janvier 2006; b) de janvier 2006 à juin 2007. Cette division est justifiée par notre choix des événements de début 2006 qui auraient pu potentiellement changer la conception de Tony Blair (la victoire de Hamas dans les élections nationales). Le corps empirique de premier cas constitué par les données qualitatives (principalement, 48 discours de Tony Blair, ses mémoires "A Journey") nous révèle une certaine stabilité dans son approche sur le processus ("de haut en bas"). De l'autre côté, les données empiriques relatives aux activités de Tony Blair en qualité de médiateur à partir de juin 2007 nous démontrent un changement stratégique dans son approche ("de bas en haut" accompagné par "de haut en bas"). Nous avons examiné ces changements dans sa position à la lumière de deux distinctions analytiques justifiées soit par l'adaptation au nouvel environnement stratégique (l'approche néoréaliste), soit par la reconsidération de son ancienne expérience et les changements idéationnels (l'approche constructiviste). Cette étude est une contribution sur l'un des conflits les plus complexes de l'histoire de la géopolitique contemporaine. Son objectif est d'analyser l'effet de la socialisation du médiateur dans une structure internationale - à savoir le Quartet - sur sa vision conceptuelle du problème qui a conservé sa stabilité dans le contexte institutionnel précédent.

Why has not Britain joined euro until now? This is an attractive issue. The purpose of this paper is to realize the real reasons. Hence, this paper analyzes the euro policies of Thatcher Government, Major Government and Blair Government. Before interpreting British euro policies, this paper explains the process of British EU membership. In addition, this paper introduces the story of EMU which is relative to euro. Most importantly, here this paper takes ¡§Europeanization¡¨ framework as a study tool to examine British euro policies. Through ¡§Europeanization¡¨ framework, this paper proposes many factors affecting British euro policies, including ¡§goodness of fit,¡¨ ¡¨veto players,¡¨ ¡§timing,¡¨ ¡¨political beliefs and organizational cultures,¡¨ ¡§the costs of institution changing¡¨ and so on. Thus, this paper concludes that Britain hasn¡¦t joined euro until now owing to many factors.

M.A. (Clinical Psychology) / In this project, the author explores, analyses and interprets the experiences of a group of students and teachers who worked together at a farm school for almost a year. Certain pertinent questions relating to the nature of therapy, training, research and community work are examined. The dominant view is that therapy and community work are different activities, requiring different sets of skills, for which different training is needed. Fundamental to this discussion is the issue of what is meant by community. The author proposes that community can be usefully conceptualised as the meaning people give to the evolving processes of their inter-connectedness, and their co-creation of ideas. Furthermore, these processes contain the potential for individuals to experience personal shifts that may be described variously as learning/growth/change/transformation. There is impetus for transformation at the interface between connectedness and disconnectedness. This renders unnecessary any differentiation between the process of training students for clinical and community work. Central to all training would be a person's ability to connect and utilise this connectedness, or its counterpart of disconnectedness, in a meaningful way. Essentially all interactions, including those in a training, therapy, research and community context, could then be viewed as a process of co-creation around people's sense of connectedness disconnectedness. The implications of all the above are that the processes of co-creation of community constitute fundamental elements of training, therapy, research and community work. The author uses an alternative research paradigm, subscribing to the principles of ecological inquiry, according to which research and intervention are inseparable.

Diploma thesis 'Special relationship' between the United Kingdom and the United States and renascence of their relationship after September 11, 2001, deals with the special Anglo-American relationship in past and present. Both countries share common history, common language and threads of cultural heritage. The United States maintains close economic and military relationship with the UK. US military and intelligence cooperation in its current form dates back to the World War II and it was rooted in the doctrine of anti-Soviet Containment. US-UK 'special relationship' was widely seen as likely to expire with the end of the Cold War, but was revived following the September 11, 2001 terror attacks on the United States. Particular emphasis in explaining the renascence of the 'special relationship' in the world changed by terror is placed on the role of Prime Minister Tony Blair and his relationship to President George W. Bush.

This doctoral thesis explores the ideational framework of British foreign and European policy in the era of New Labour governments (1997-2010). Drawing from social constructivism and the "linguistic turn" in social sciences, and using discourse analysis as its primary tool, it analyses a set of major foreign and European policy speeches by prime ministers and foreign secretaries, and Labour Party general election manifestos, to reconstruct the ideational structure in which empirical British foreign policy was embedded. It identifies conceptual ideas about the nature and rules governing the international order, distribution of power in the international system, hierarchy of issues in contemporary international agenda, international identity and role of the United Kingdom, its key international relationships, its power resources, and interests and values shaping British foreign policy, as held by the leading government figures of the era. Established changes and transformations of these governing ideas are contextualised in the empirical development in the international arena. While confirming the pro-stability and self-reproduction bias of ideational structures, via their constitution of agency and organization of the actors' discursive practices, the thesis identifies six events which sparked...