Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / The change in Greater Boston's retail structure are measured by comparing the 1960-1961 store patterns and their internal features with those which existed in 1946-1947. The foundation for the comparison is provided by Kenneth W. Walters' doctoral dissertation, "The Secondary Shopping Centers of Metropolitan Boston, Massachusetts," Department of Sociology, Syracuse University, 1949. Over 36,000 stores in Boston and the thirty-nine cities and towns forming the Audit Bureau of Circulation (ABC) City Zone were field mapped in 1960-1961. Then these stores, and those in the BC inventoried by Walters, were classified according to a system devised to reflect their "retail strength." "Retail strength" is a measure of the importance, desirability, and stability of each association of stores. The purpose of the classification is to understand the functional differences which occur within the same Shopping District, and the differences which occur between different Districts. Classification is also necessary to understand the type of change which has taken place over the comparative period in any given District. By examining changes which have taken place in man's relationship to his environment many of the changes in the methods of retailing are more easily understood. The Planned Shopping Center and the Self-Service Department Store in particular are notable additions to the retail structure. These modern facilities have had profound repercussions upon the older conventional Shopping Districts. Other changes are attributable to the changing role of the isolated store and the changing role of the chain store. New methods of merchandising, especially self-service, have affected store size and shape. In general, new units are larger than their predecessors. The older stores have adapted to the new space requirements by consolidating several older units. Maps and cartograms, or conventionalized maps, are the principal method used to describe and compare the areal distribution of shopping facilities. The Boston's maps of Metropolitan Boston, showing the location of retail facilities by means of graduated symbols, are used directly in the analysis of change. The Boston Globe's maps are also used to construct maps of the pattern of streets devoted to retailing in 1946-1947 and 1960-1961. Simultaneous examination of both sets of maps in overlay enables comparison of the location of each Shopping District within the study area to the location of all other shopping areas, population distribution, and road networks. The size, form (relationship of store location to street grid), and the continuity or discontinuity of store distribution within the District are recorded on the Cartograms. Other internal features taken into consideration are store associations (the number and type of retail units) and store size. The Cartograms show the following physical characteristics of each District - The 1946-1947 Retail Structure, Demolitions and Conversions to Non-Retail Use, New Construction and Conversion to Retail Use, Internal Change (Consolidation and Division of Stores), and The 1960-1961 Retail Structure. The Cartogram Dot Distribution Series shows the location of vacancies and selected types of stores in each District for both comparative periods. They also designate which stores were engaged in the specified type of retailing during both periods. The relative differences of stability in drug, food, appliance and department stores are assessed in greater detail, and tabular summaries of these changes are presented and interpreted. In addition, a comparative analysis of selected Shopping Districts is presented to clarify the relationship among the changes associated with shopping area patterns, the internal morphology of Shopping Districts, and the individual store features. The retail structure in Greater Boston is compared to the theoretical or idealized spatial pattern suggested by Walter Christaller's central place theory. The comparison discloses no accordance of pattern with this theoretical distribution. / 2031-01-01

Thesis (Ed.M.)--Boston University

Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University / The purpose of this thesis is to study those successful and unsuccessful programs in two young adult groups as viewed by the members, advisors and executive directors of the Lynn Jewish Community Center and the Hecht House of Boston. A consideration of those elements which contribute toward successful programming will also be included in this study which is based primarily upon two co-ed groups - the 1953 young adult group at the Hecht House and the group at the Lynn Center during the years 1953-55.

Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-01

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / Theologians, philosophers, and psychotherapists have assumed that a positive, linear, and sequential relationship exists between self-acceptance and acceptance of others. Research results, however, at points contradict one another and/or basic theory. The aims of the present study were to: (1) explore more fully the nature of the relationship between self-acceptance and acceptance of others with particular reference to Clinical Pastoral Training (CPT); and (2) present conclusions and implications relative to the goals and methods of CPT. Self-acceptance meant both the: (1) receiving into awareness of all experience relevant to one's self-concept; and (2) perceiving one's self as of value and worth. Acceptance of others connoted the same two meanings but in relation to others. A distinction was made between superficial and real acceptance. That which is superficially accepted is merely available to the understanding while that which is really accepted influences behavior. Two hypotheses were explored: (1) that a positive relationship exists between expressed self-acceptance and expressed acceptance of others, and (2) that a positive relationship exists between expressed self-acceptance and acceptance of others as indicated by the judged adequacy of interpersonal relationships. The sample was 115 students from the CPT programs at Boston City and Boston State Hospitals during the summers of 1963 and 1964. The first hypothesis was explored by comparing scores of self-acceptance and acceptance of others on each of two self-report tests: Billsrs Index of Adjustment and Values and Ellzey's A Study of Attitudes. Pearson product-moment correlations were computed to indicate the degree of relationship between the scores. The second hypothesis was explored by: (1) comparing the self-acceptance scores of all 115 subjects on each test with their grades in the CPT program; and (2) comparing self-acceptance scores of twenty-eight subjects, who were the fifteen with the highest and the thirteen with the lowest self-acceptance scores on both tests, with their supervisor's written evaluation of the adequacy of their interpersonal relationships. The first hypothesis was confirmed, since self-acceptance and acceptance of others scores correlated significantly (.05 level or above) with each other on each test. The second hypothesis was tentatively confirmed, since seven out of fifteen subjects with high and only two out of thirteen subjects with low self-acceptance scores were judged to have related adequately to others. Further, grades failed to correlate significantly (.05 level) with self-acceptance scores. In addition, high self-acceptance scores were more often obtained by those who valued themselves highly but who excluded negative aspects of their experience, while low self-acceptance scores were more often obtained by those who devalued themselves but who were aware of the negative aspects of their experience. Major conclusions: (1) numerous intervening variables influence the relationship between the variables; and (2) self-report tests are inadequate indicators of true self-acceptance. Implications for CPT are: (1) the self-report tests used in this study may be used best to aid a CPT student understand his self-perceptions; (2) grades in CPT are invalid indicators of the quality of interpersonal functioning; (3) goals and methods of CPT should be sufficiently flexible to accommodate the individuality of each student; and (4) the Christian faith with its concepts of the value, worth, and dignity of the individual in spite of his sinfulness should be actively affirmed for it provides a constructive framework within which a student may orient his self-acceptance. Future studies need to: (1) increase the validity of the measuring instruments; (2) use more than one method of investigation at a time as a check on the validity of each; and (3) investigate the relationship between self-evaluations and observed behavior. / 2031-01-01

Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University / From a modest beginning and with limited program Boston Symphony Orohestra has grown to have surprising impact and demand not only in metropolitan Boston but over the nation and In Europe. The orchestra was established in 1882 through the inspiration of one man. Henry L. Higginson gave his money, time and business ability for its creation. Only four of the world's great orchestras etill in existence have seniority to the Boston Symphony Orchestra: London, Leipzig, Vienna and Paris. The main portion of this thesis will examine the various media of communication that have been and are now being used to bring the Boston Symphony Orchestra to public recognition and to analyse the part played by each in maintaining interest and support for the orchestra, with the degree of success maintained through the years, it is felt that a case study can be of value in the future to anyone who would have need of information ooncerning the forming or operation of an organisation of this type.

Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University / Public housing has been built largely as a response to the spread of slums in American cities. The origins and growth of slums in different sections of Boston have been caused by several factors. The North and West Ends, originally the most exclusive districts in the city, declined as upper and middle-class residents moved outwards toward the periphery of Boston and beyond into the surrounding towns. The exodus of the upper classes from Central Boston was stimulated by the arrival of European immigrant laborers and by extensions and improvements in public transportation, especially after the middle of the 18th Century. Af first settling in the North and West Ends and in the South Cove, immigrants soon moved into Charlestown, East Boston, the South End and South Boston, attracted by the shipping, factory, and warehouse employment in these areas. Further improvements in public transportation and reduced fares facilitated the migration of low-income families (mainly composed of immigrants) to other outlying sections of Boston; Roxbury, Dorchester and Brighton. Also important as a blighting influence was the elevated railway in Charlestown, the South End and Roxbury. In the West and South Ends and in Roxbury, many cheaply-constructed tenements were built. In 1891, the first city-wide census of housing conditions was made. A wide distribution of slum conditions existed; the North and South Ends and South Boston contained the highest percentages of unsanitary tenements, Charlestown and the built-up sections of East Boston and Roxbury had deteriorated and conditions below the city average were found even in Brighton, Dorchester and West Roxbury. During the first quarter of the present century, many lower-quality frame three-deckers were built in Dorchester, East Boston, Roxbury and South Boston. In studies undertaken by the City Planning Board in 1934 and 1935, physical housing characteristics were compiled, proposed public housing project sites were studied and the relative income and cost of different sections of the city were analyzed. The slums were found to be a heavy economic liability to the city. Although limited as a measurement of blight, 1950 U. S. Census of Housing figures, available by blocks, are the only recent data for the whole city. Boston's first public housing project was Old Harbor Village, built in 1938 under the Federal Government P. W. A. program. This project was built on an essentially vacant site in South Boston and most of the original tenants came from nearby substandard housing areas in South Boston and northern Dorchester. Zoning changes, designed as a protection from harmful land uses, were made in this area and several stores and a church have been attracted by the project. The three programs under which public housing has been built in Boston are; (1) Federally-aided for low-income families, (2) State-aided for low-income veterans and (3) City-State, sold to private individuals five years after construction. The U. S. Housing Acts of 1937 and 1949 that for all Federally-aided public housing units constructed, an equal number of slum dwellings be eliminated. The earliest projects were slum clearance projects located near downtown Boston. The State-aided and City-State legislations, passed soon after World War II, did not require slum clearance because of an acute housing shortage. Many of these, as well as some Federally-aided projects were built on vacant sites. In some cases, due to the lack of available vacant land in Boston and under the pressure of the housing shortage, vacant site projects were located on poorer quality land. City-owned land and private estates were sought for a number of housing projects in order that delays in assembling and clearing several parcels of land could be avoided. Of the several aspects of public housing distribution considered in this study, a sharp contrast between slum clearance and vacant site projects has been evident in respect to services; schools, public transportation and retail shopping. The lack of service availability has been most noticeable in projects located at the city is periphery; Orient Heights, Columbia Point and Fairmount. Both the Orient Heights and Fairmount projects have been primarily responsible for the recent construction of nearby elementary schools and the new Columbia Point School, built for the exclusive use of children from the Columbia Point Project, is not large enough. Another public school will be required for this project. Again, extensions of public transportation service have been necessary largely because of these three projects, and in the case of Columbia Point, a bus route was initiated solely for the project occupants. On the other hand, all slum clearance projects are well-served by public traasportation, in many instances by the surface and elevated routes that have strongly contributed to slum growth. Few stores, except for supermarkets, have been attracted by public housing projects. Only three stores have located adjacent to Columbia Point, the largest project in the city. The supermarket that serves Columbia Point is approximately 1400 feet from the project boundary and was built primarily for drive-in trade from Morrissey Boulevard. The most widely distributed store types within convenient walking distance from housing projects (taken as 600 feet) are grocery stores, drug stores and eating places. The most frequent store types within this distance are grocery stores, eating places and drinking places. A high percentage (up to 50 per cent in the case of the South St. Project) of the stores around several projects are vacant. Most of these vacancies are the result of overestimation of local markets, including housing projects, depopulation and successful competition of supermarkets. The percentage of registered Democratic voters in precincts containing housing projects is higher than the average for the city. In 1956, 85 per cent of all registered voters in Boston were Democrats; in housing projects approximately 95 per cent of the number of voters that could be determined were Democrats. In one ward, Ward IV, a slight Republican majority was changed to a slight Democratic majority primarily due to voters living in the Mission Hill Extension Project. Many projects, especially slum clearance projects, are not sufficiently protected by zoning restrictions from present and future intrusion of adjacent land uses harmful to the environment of the projects. Although most of the zoning changes and variances requested by the Boston Housing Authority have been granted, zoning restrictions have prevented the construction of several proposed vacant site housing projects. The location of a number of existing vacant site projects has depended on zoning changes. The proportion of younger people (under 21 years) is higher in public housing projects than in the city as a whole. Also high is the percentage of broken homes, often headed by females. Population density has even been increased over previously high densities in several slum clearance projects, especially the South End Project. This reflects expensive site acquisition in the slums. The assessed values of individual projects are extremely variable and there are no apparent factors accounting for the discrepancies. The per-dwelling-unit assessment in some projects is more than ten times that of others. The total effect of housing project construction in Boston has been to stabilize the centrifugal movement of population, since the median average distance of public housing dwelling units from the center of the city is approximately the same as all dwelling units in the city. The center of gravity of public housing distribution in the city has moved 1 1/2 miles to the southwest during the period 1940 to 1954, towards the largest amounts of vacant land. Formerly within a severely blighted area in the South End, the center is now located in Roxbury, south of the city's highest slum concentrations. The proportion of public housing to total housing is approximately 6 per cent in Boston, higher than in most other American cities. Most of the larger multi-family projects in the city are Federally-aided, while the smaller City-State temporary public housing projects usually consisted of two- and one-family houses. Except for the North and West Ends, projects have been well-distributed throughout the city. High land costs prevented the construction of projects in these two areas. The only probable construction of additional public housing in the city will be for low-income elderly individuals. As this would be a State-aided program, slum clearance would not be required and projects would be built on vacant sites. Eventually, public housing may also be built for low-income minority groups, perhaps Negroes. If built under a Federally-aided program, substandard housing sections in Roxbury or Dorchester would probably be chosen for sites. These are the areas of most recent Negro settlement in Boston and lower land values would permit slum clearance at a reasonable cost. Experimental forms of Federally-aided public housing in other parts of the country are small one- to four-faffiily projects on dispersed sites and the renovation of slum housing for use as public housing. Spreading slums and land scarcity would favor the latter approach to future public housing in Boston.

Thesis (Ph.D)--Boston University

Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University / The purpose ot this thesis is to compare two groups of patients, namely those who were given an immediate appointment following intake and those who were assigned after a waiting period. The study is confined to patients treated by social workers in the Boston Veterans Administration Mental Hygiene Clinic. It aims to learn what similarities and differences exist between the two groups; the effect ot a waiting period on patient's stay in treatment; and to determine the relationship of a number of factors to length, and outcome of treatment. According to the literature more stress is placed on motivation in relation to patient's sta7 in treatment than another factor. "The major purpose of the intake interview is to determine motivation, which is important in assessing the patient's treatment potential."2 This study is also curious to learn whether there is a relationship between motivation and length of treatment. It is hoped that this study may show what factors indicate further consideration with regard to patients placed on the waiting list.

Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University / The purpose of this study is to ascertain whether the learning difficulties of the child with normal or superior intellectual capacity are related to the mother's emotional problems; further, whether the problems of the mothers studied have a common element; and, finally, whether any general conelusions can be drawn for treatment of mothers whose children have school learning problems . In this study school learning problems are cases where either the child is repeating a grade or is having a difficult time keeping up with his class . The study is based upon an examination of closed cases at the Douglas A. Thom Clinic for Children, Inc., Boston, Massachusetts where the referral problem of the child was that of a learning dirficulty. An examination of the mother- child relationship in these cases may be meaningful in deriving a hypothesis around this problem. Such an examination may be further useful in planning the casework technique or treatment with mothers whose children have such learning problems.