This thesis examines the forms of identity which are adopted by individuals who were born in Birmingham with at least one parent who had been born in Northern Ireland or the Republic of Ireland and the processes of identity formation which give life to these identities. This thesis places the identity and experiences of the research population within the context of the Anglo-Irish historical relationship, political situation in Northern Ireland and the events surrounding the 'Birmingham Pub Bombings'. It also positions the group in relation to recent academic debates regarding race, ethnicity and 'dominant group identity'. It is intended that this thesis will represent a contribution to these debates and to the understanding of Irish experience in Britain. The fieldwork phase of the project was conducted in Birmingham and consisted of two distinct, yet overlapping stages. Firstly, a survey of the research population using questionnaires which were distributed to potential respondents by a series of 'gatekeepers'. This provided data and served as a filter to stage two. Secondly, fifteen semi-structured, in-depth qualitative interviews with members of the cohort.

The paper will be devoted to the problem of land division between Greek citizens in ancient Greece from the theoretical and practical point of view. The focus will be especially in the researches documenting the development of rural regions of the Crimean peninsula ( Chersonesos, Panskoe,...), Taman peninsula and south Italy (Metapont). It will try to find parallels but also to show the regional differences between these areas. As the work covers also agriculture it will include the results of paleobotanical, archeozoological and palynological research, too. Keywords farms, agriculture, Greece, Greek colonies

Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University / As the title of this thesis indicates, this work deals with the former Italian Colonies during the period of 1945-50. Economically speaking all three territories are of little value. Their importance lies in the strategic position they occupy. All three, Eritrea, Libya except for the Fezzan, and Italian Somaliland came under British Military Administration on or before 1943. In 1945 the Council of Foreign Ministers took up the problem, but due to disagreement among the Big Four (United Kingdom, United States of America, France and the Soviet Union), and due to the many and sometimes unfounded claims of some other nations, the problem of the Italian Colonies defied solution. Despite the initial failure, the Council of Foreign Ministers did not give up hope, but instead it kept on working on the problem till 1947 when the Big Four powers, in the Treaty of Peace with Italy, made the latter country renounce all rights and claims to its former possessions in Africa and at the same time agreed to hand over the problem to the United Nations General Assembly in case of failure to agree among themselves within one year of the coming into force of the Treaty of Peace with Italy. [TRUNCATED]

No ano de 1853, a Província do Paraná se emancipou administrativamente de São Paulo. A recém província passou então a se ocupar do processo de povoamento de seu território, ainda em sua grande maioria despovoados, pois na concepção da época, os indígenas que havia no território não participavam dessa contagem. Levando-se em conta as iniciativas criadas pelo fim do tráfico de escravos e da Lei de Terras, ambas aprovadas em 1850, o projeto colonizador do Paraná teve início. É válido lembrar que já haviam regiões colonizadas antes de 1853, mas o objeto de estudos de nosso trabalho condiz com o surgimento da província independente até o final do Império brasileiro. Dessa forma, buscamos apresentar as colônias formadas na província do Paraná entre 1860, ano em que se constituí a primeira colônia pós emancipação até 1889, onde o recorte de nossa tese é proposto. Obviamente que não é possível ignorar os períodos anteriores e posteriores para melhor contextualizar esse processo. As colônias estudadas em nosso trabalho também têm suas próprias características, ou seja, são colônias formadas, em sua maioria, por europeus, baseadas na pequena propriedade e como objetivo específico o abastecimento do mercado interno. A existência dessas colônias indica um trabalho, ao menos em parte, eficiente por parte do governo provincial e de seus agentes de colonização no processo de atração dessa desejada e esperada mão de obra. No recorte cronológico proposto, ficaram vivendo nesses espaços pouco mais de quatorze mil colonos distribuídos em sessenta e oito colônias. Nosso objeto de estudos, portanto, foi analisar esses imigrantes em seus espaços, buscando relacionar características como sexo, idade, etnia, religião, bem como a estrutura fundiária que se formou nos lotes de terras e a produção que essas colônias conseguiam produzir e se as mesmas tiveram possibilidades de prosperar e manter uma certa autonomia desejada por todos os envolvidos. / In the year 1853, the Paraná Province emancipated administratively of. The new province then went on to occupy the settlement process of their territory, although mostly \"depopulated\" because the design of the time, the Indians who had not participated in the territory of that count. Taking into account the initiatives created by the end of the slave trade and the Land Law, both adopted in 1850, the colonizing project of Paraná began. It is worth remembering that had already colonized regions before 1853, but the object of our work studies is consistent with the emergence of independent province by the end of the Brazilian Empire. Thus, we present the colonies formed in the province of Paraná between 1860, the year that constitutes the first post emancipation colony until 1889, where the cut of our thesis is proposed. Obviously you can not ignore the earlier and later periods to better contextualize this process. The colonies studied in our work also have their own characteristics, ie are formed colonies, mostly by Europeans, based on smallholding and the specific objective of supplying the domestic market. The existence of these colonies indicates a job, at least in part, efficient by the provincial government and its colonization agents in the process of attraction of this desired and expected labor. In the proposed chronological cut, were living in these spaces just over fourteen thousand settlers divided into sixty-eight colonies. Our object of study, therefore, was to analyze these immigrants in their spaces, trying to relate in gender, age, ethnicity, religion, and the land structure that formed in lots of land and the production that these colonies could produce and the they had opportunities to thrive and maintain some autonomy desired by all involved

In this thesis I investigate the role of spatial structure, cell-cell interactions and horizontal gene transfer on the genetic composition of growing microbial colonies. In the first part I study how the roughness of the growing layer of the colony depends on the shape of colony-forming cells. To study its impact I develop an off-lattice Eden-like model in which cells are represented as spherocylinders with a variable aspect ratio. I show that the roughness of the expansion front is not significantly affected by the shape of cells and that the dynamic scaling of growing front belongs to the KPZ universality class. Roughness is an important and easy to measure feature which affects the probability of fixation of genetic lineages in the colony. Another feature contributing to the genetic composition of a microbial community is horizontal gene transfer, which is investigated in the second part of this thesis. I develop an agent-based computational model of bacterial cells which grow, divide, and interact mechanically. I focus on plasmid conjugation, in which donors transfer a plasmid (a small, circular DNA molecule) to plasmid-free recipients. I show that bacteria in the expanding colony segregate into sectors of donors and acceptors. Donor sectors grow at the expense of acceptor sectors and that effect can be effectively described by coalescing random walkers that perform biased random walk on the colony expansion front. I use numerical and analytical methods to show that the plasmid eventually spreads to the whole colony given enough time, and I also show that this time is unrealistically long for experimentally determined conjugation rates and therefore real colonies are expected to have both acceptor and donor sectors. Furthermore, my simulations show that segregative plasmid loss at the moment of cell division can counteract the effect of conjugation and can lead to fixation of plasmid free cells. I also show that changes in nutrient concentration and the resultant change in roughness of the expansion front affect the rate of plasmid spread into population. Quantitative and qualitative results obtained in this section may serve as a tool to extract plasmid invasion rates from experimental data. In the last part of this thesis I investigate how the physical factors, such as finite strength of conjugative junctions, affect the conjugation process. I develop a computational model of plasmid transfer in which conjugative junctions are explicitly modelled as short, spring-like tubes that connect conjugating cells. My results show that factors such as junction creation rate and its strength can significantly affect the conjugation performance. I study different situations corresponding to different experimental scenarios (well-mixed colony on a filter paper, colliding colonies) and show that shear forces acting between cells can significantly lower the rate of plasmid transfer. My results can explain why conjugation occurs very rarely in some of these scenarios investigates in laboratory assays.

There has been excellent academic research, not only on diaspora, but also on postconflict Bosnia and Herzegovina in regards to transitional justice and peacebuilding. However, the factors that play a role vis-à-vis diaspora mobilization and transitional justice have been explored less. Theorizing has been ad hoc. Thus, the guiding question of this thesis is: How do diaspora utilize the political environments in their hostlands when they mobilize towards issues of transitional justice, in what ways and why? I develop a typological theory of diaspora mobilization, focusing on transitional justice claims, to systematize understanding and to develop midrange level explanations. Four types of diaspora mobilization (engaged, involved, reactive, and inactive) are theorized based on three independent variables: citizenship regimes, collective claims, and the presence or absence of ‘translocalism’ within diaspora communities. In particular, the more open citizenship regimes are, the higher the potential for diaspora mobilization will be. The thesis builds on the idea of translocal communities being an important factor in helping to determine the level of diaspora mobilization, along with the presence of collective claims in relation to transitional justice processes in the post-conflict homeland environment. The study is based on a qualitative research design using a unique two-level comparative lens, focusing on three countries in Europe (Sweden, France, and Germany) as well as four different cities within Bosnia and Herzegovina (Sarajevo, Banja Luka, Prijedor, and Srebrenica). The research methods include semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and process tracing with multi-sited fieldwork. Thus, transnational, translocal, host country, and homeland influences are incorporated into analysis. The study provides comparative rigor to research on diaspora mobilization that is particular and rare. It establishes diaspora as an important actor to consider in transitional justice based efforts and provides a new perspective on the idea of translocalism.

This study addresses how the UK and the Swedish Iraqi diaspora mobilised towards state-building in Iraq following the 2003 US led intervention. It explores why some diaspora mobilised towards state-building processes through institution-building and governance while others through civil society. While the literature has explored diasporic development and peace-building, it has not systematically addressed diaspora mobilisation for state-building. Neither has it paid sufficient attention to the factors that shape diasporic political choices in intervention and conflict settings. My thesis contributes to this body of literature and argues that an overlooked dimension of state-building, is that of civil society. State-building involves top-down approaches of institution-building but also bottom-up approaches of participatory politics that encourage democratic practices. I thus develop a new two-category operationalization of state-building to capture the interventions and transnational fields of different diaspora groups and individuals. My findings show that during different time periods, three factors have shaped the mobilisation of the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora towards state-building; diaspora profiles, hostland foreign policies towards the homeland and links to homeland political parties in Iraq. Theoretically these findings demonstrate that diaspora's socio-economic profiles and networks are key to understanding the type of politics that diaspora can engage in. Meanwhile, hostland foreign policies can shape diasporic interventions by creating different relationships with homelands and thus different opportunities for engagement. Furthermore, in divided societies, diaspora connected to homeland political parties, or represented by them, are more likely to be involved in the apparatus of the state, where as those excluded are more likely to engage outside the structures of power through civil society. Finally, my study demonstrates that temporal vii dimensions are crucial for understanding, which factors mattered, when and why. Empirically, this thesis also contributes original knowledge about the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora. It sheds new light into the myriad ways that diaspora in these two countries have been attempting to rebuild the country after the 2003 intervention by illustrating their efforts and experiences, and how it has informed their current relationship to Iraq.

This dissertation is a material-archival history of the Palestinian refugee camp. Its primary claim is that to read Palestine-Israel one must read the camp; the refugee camp, I argue, is the settlercolony’s irreducible foil. How, then, has the question of the camps (neither synonymous with nor reducible to the ‘refugee problem’) exerted its own gravitational force on Palestinian, Israeli, and humanitarian politics? What kind of historical relation is there, I ask, between camp-form and that spatial form from which it seems inseparable—the colony? Working with a range of textual and visual documents (from bureaucratic reports to prose fiction and architectural drawings) drawn from four different archives, I argue that the Palestinian camps lie at the center of the foundational-temporal impasse of the Israeli state—its inability to decisively render the moment of its inception as past. In other words, my argument is that the camp sits not only at the intersection of the most critical biopolitical sites of the settler- colonial—the colonized body and its movements, land and its possession in regimes of property and ownership—but, and perhaps even more consequentially, at the point of their temporal resolution in definite and final forms. Camp and colony are entangled from the start; co-produced in the double movement of dispossession and substitution, un-homing and homing; twinned but inversed topologies of the freedom of movement.

This dissertation examines symbolic representations of British imperial power through the appropriation and display of Indian “things.” The objects and spectacles examined here—the Koh-i-Noor diamond, tigers and tiger hunting, and turbaned men on display—are all invested with a range of social and symbolic meanings within both their indigenous and imperial contexts. The things appropriated into the British Empire’s styling of itself that are discussed in this study were each traditionally associated with masculinity and kingship in their native Indian context and subsequently displayed on and around the bodies of British women. This study advances a relationship between the theatrics of British imperial power, and the emasculation and objectification of Indian men. A list of images has been submitted as a supplemental digital file with this dissertation.

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