Thesis--Geneva, 1928. / Includes bibliographical references. "Bibliographie": p. [135]-137.

Thesis (M.A.)--Texas State University-San Marcos, 2007. / Vita. Appendices: leaves 102-145. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-157).

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Agro-écon.--Montpellier. / En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 347-368. Glossaire.

La thèse se propose de revenir sur les traces de l’histoire de l’éducation correctionnelle et sur celles de la jeunesse coupable, malheureuse et irrégulière. Comprise entre 1830 et 1912, cette étude s’attache à montrer comment à partir de l’émergence de la question sociale et de la réforme pénitentiaire et jusqu’au vote de la loi sur les tribunaux pour enfants et adolescents, des dispositifs contraignants de correction, de rééducation et d’assistance à l’égard des mineurs de seize ans ont été justifiés, mis en place et ont fonctionnés. En marge des écrits historiques déjà nombreux sur la question, la thèse entend s’illustrer par la volonté de décrire et d’expliquer les rouages juridiques et administratifs au coeur du système spécifique de répression des infractions de la jeunesse irrégulière.Ce faisant, elle envisage l’éducation correctionnelle comme un cas limite de la répression préfigurant l’évolution du droit pénal vers un système de défense sociale et de prévention des comportements irréguliers porteurs de désordre, de troubles et d’une délinquance d’habitude. Héritière des anciennes mesures de police propres au pouvoir royal, l’éducation correctionnelle dérive, à mesure qu’elle se confronte à une population d’enfants urbains, misérables et pitoyables (I), vers un système individualisé de surveillance et de bienveillance qui forme à partir du foisonnement des sciences sociales de la fin du XIXe siècle les savoirs, les discours et les pratiques administratives et judiciaires permettant d’agir efficacement à l’encontre d’une jeunesse socialement inadaptée. L’ancien Code pénal qui retenait par le fil de la responsabilité morale les mineurs de seize ans est progressivement amendé par une série de lois civiles et pénales ainsi que par des pratiques administratives qui ont pour but de rejeter le jeune enfant ou adolescent hors des sanctions du droit pénal tout en le maintenant dans l’auréole d’un nouveau pouvoir répressif fondé sur un juridisme pénal qui s’ignore (II) / This thesis will look at juvenile delinquency and the protection of children in moral danger in late nineteenth century France. Following the studies relating to the history of penal administration, it will examine the workings of repressive action led against juvenile deviants or offenders at that time. The aim of this approach is to throw light on the juridical rationality of juvenile correction. Between the rise of the first juridical apparatus of correction in the 1830’s and the creation of specialized juvenile courts by the 1912 law,  legislators, administrators, and philanthropists sort to reform the Penal Code of 1810. The Penal Code was founded on the basis of moral responsibility while the preoccupations of the governments of that period were to eliminate the causes of public disorder. Consequently, the Governments did not target the repression of juvenile offence for the danger of juvenile corruption was greater. The very term juvenile offender changed to include children who were victims of parental moral deviance, tramps and child beggars. The public action led against this ‘irregular youth’ began to make provision for risk prevention and promote family management, re-education by social workers, substitution of parental authority by correctional institutions and public assistance. This thesis shows how the criminal law was reviewed and changed in order to make better provision for children at risk and act in their interest and respect. Ultimately, a new form of law emerged at the crossroads of science, social expertise and justice.

Following the social and political turmoil in many countries after the recent economic crisis, many Albanian migrants regarded a return to their ‘homeland’ as the best solution during a time of uncertainty. Adding to the literature on return migration, this research investigates a group of migrants, not previously studied extensively, whose return to their country of origin was triggered by the lingering economic crisis in Europe, particularly in Greece. The research explores the experiences of return migrants and their children in Albania by focusing on their (re)settlement issues, the ways they (re)construct a sense of belonging, and how their identity is impacted by these changes. Return migrants (aged 30-50 years) and their children (aged 7-18 years) participated in this research (n=51). Qualitative data were collected through in-depth interviews with respondents aged 13 years and above, augmented by focus groups and family case studies. This research was conducted in two waves and several participants were followed up to document changes. Findings show that the economic and socio-structural constraints in the origin country and uncertainties about the future experienced by adults create barriers to their overall ability to adjust and construct a sense of belonging in Albania. The research documents further that children of return migrants experience exclusion and nonbelonging, instigating feelings of being foreigners for a second time. While children showed improvement in their socio-spatial worlds overtime; in Wave 2 adults continued to grapple with employment instability and future uncertainties. Entangled in between these experiences and a simultaneous quest to belong, the research contributes to a better understanding of return migration in times of economic crisis.

This thesis offers a consideration of how the ideological foundations of Zionism determine the movement’s exclusive relationship with an outside world that is posited at large and the native Palestinian population specifically. Contesting Israel’s exceptionalist security narrative, it identifies, through an extensive examination of the writings of Theodor Herzl, the overlapping settler colonialist and ethno-nationalist roots of Zionism. In doing so, it contextualises Herzl’s movement as a hegemonic political force that embraced the dominant European discourses of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, including anti-Semitism. The thesis is also concerned with the ways in which these ideological foundations came to bear on the Palestinian and broader Ottoman contexts. A closer consideration of Ottoman Palestine reveals a hidden history of imperial inclusivity that stands in stark contrast to the Zionist settler colonial model. The thesis explores the effects of the Zionist project on Palestine’s native population, highlighting early reactions to the marginalisation and exclusion suffered, as well as emerging strategies of resistance that locate an alternative, non-nationalist vision for the future of the region in the collective reappropriation of a pre-colonial past. The question is broached about the role that Palestinian literature can play within the context of such reclaiming efforts. More precisely, it debates whether Palestinian life writing emanating from the occupied territories contributes, in its recording of personal history, to the project of re-writing national history in opposition to the attempted Israeli erasure. Finally, by drawing a direct line from original Zionist thought to the politics and policies of the state of Israel today, the thesis suggests an on-going settler colonial structure that has become increasingly visible through the state’s use of spatially restrictive measures in order to finally conclude its settlement project. Israel’s obsessive ‘walling’ is discussed in that context as the physical escalation of Zionism’s founding ideological tenets.

While deconstruction has been taken up widely in the field of Postcolonial Studies, there is very little work done on the relationship between deconstruction and the question of Palestine. This thesis maintains that deconstruction has both something to offer the discourses surrounding the question of Palestine and that deconstruction needs to be opened up to the undeniable if it is to continue to be relevant to contemporary emancipation struggles, specifically here the Palestinian struggle. This is not to say that the Palestinian struggle needs deconstruction, or that deconstruction can provide some magical solution. The aim of this thesis is rather to explore Derrida’s own attitudes towards Israel/Palestine and to ask whether deconstruction is hospitable to the needs of Palestinian self-determination.

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Submitted by Juliana Tregnago (julianatregnago@gmail.com) on 2018-06-25T14:50:39Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO ARE.pdf: 9117625 bytes, checksum: b1bbd190ffc0d424da50c3f80c661e1f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2018-06-26T14:33:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO ARE.pdf: 9117625 bytes, checksum: b1bbd190ffc0d424da50c3f80c661e1f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2018-06-26T14:36:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO ARE.pdf: 9117625 bytes, checksum: b1bbd190ffc0d424da50c3f80c661e1f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-26T14:36:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO ARE.pdf: 9117625 bytes, checksum: b1bbd190ffc0d424da50c3f80c661e1f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-25 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The social subjects we deal with in this research, the colonists, peasants historically constituted in the floodplains of the middle Amazon River, especially in the municipalities of Urucará, Parintins and Urucurituba. In these localities, through the absorption of different cultural traits, they established economic, social and territorial relations, a condition that prevailed until the mid-1950s, when large floods / floods and land unavailability forced a permanent migration to land areas in the 1960/70. Historically the base of socioeconomic support of these municipalities, in particular Urucará, the focus of our research, was linked to peasant activity and its possible relations with land, forest and water made possible subsistence agriculture, extractive practices and fishing activities, highlighting the várzea in life and established relationships. Their mercantile integration made possible the exchange (products and merchandise) and at the same time a relation of exploration and subordination of peasant labor, a system broken or accentuated by the new political, economic and social conjunctures of the 1960s. This decade is emblematic not only for the visibility that the social movements in the countryside acquired in Brazil, but especially for the organization and strengthening of the peasantry in the middle Amazon River. The Catholic Church in the figure of some priests and missionaries who arrived in the state of Amazonas in the 1960s played a decisive role in the new directions of the peasantry, with progressive and libertarian ideological burdens, the Prelazias de Itacoatiara and Parintins laid the groundwork for an innovative project, choosing the peasant-riparian, as subjects of social transformation, throwing the seeds of liberation, autonomy and social development. Peasant territorialization on the mainland took place through Ecclesiastical Communities of Bases and agricultural colonies, strengthening their struggles through the creation of entities (associations, cooperatives, unions, School Family Agriculture) and mainly, of an institution that coordinates and articulates the actions together to the state sectors, engaged in one way or another, to awaken the political and social consciousness of these social subjects. The economic, political, and ideological crisis of the 1980s gradually eroded the importance that CETRU and the agricultural school had for the settlers and other social segments of the middle Amazon River. With the end of the military regime and institutions that provided financial support, fundamental for the functioning of physical and human structures, the entity loses importance, starting to dedicate itself exclusively to the work carried out by the Agricultural Family School. All this added to the emptying of the colonies, fragmentation of the leaderships, lack of confidence and institutional support were gradually restricting their activities, completely paralyzed in the late 1990s. With the end of the colonization project, CETRU and the Agricultural School, the last directors of the entity focused all their forces in agricultural cooperativism, aiming mainly at the internal and external consumer market. Guarana, the main economic product of the colonies, has become an important alternative to the crises and adversities of the globalized world. / Os sujeitos sociais no qual tratamos nessa pesquisa, os colonos, camponeses historicamente constituídos nas várzeas do médio rio Amazonas, em especial nos municípios de Urucará, Parintins e Urucurituba. Nessas localidades, pela absorção de diferentes traços culturais, estabeleceram relações econômicas, sociais e territoriais, condição que prevaleceu até meados da década de 1950, quando grandes enchentes/cheias e indisponibilidade de terras forçaram a migração permanente para as áreas de terra firme nas décadas de 1960/70. Historicamente a base de sustentação socioeconômica desses municípios, em especial Urucará, foco da nossa pesquisa, esteve ligada a atividade camponesa e suas possíveis relações com a terra, floresta e água possibilitaram uma agricultura de subsistência, práticas extrativas e atividades pesqueiras, destacando o protagonismo da várzea na vida e nas relações estabelecidas. Sua integração mercantil possibilitou trocas de produtos e mercadorias e ao mesmo tempo, relações de exploração e subordinação do trabalho camponês, sistema rompido ou acentuado pelas novas conjunturas políticas, econômicas e sociais da década de 1960. Essa década é emblemáticas não apenas pela visibilidade que os movimentos sociais no campo adquiriram no Brasil, mas especialmente pela organização e fortalecimento do campesinato no médio rio Amazonas. A Igreja Católica na figura de alguns padres e missionários que chegaram no estado do Amazonas na década de 1960 tiveram papel determinante nos novos rumos do campesinato, com cargas ideológicas progressistas e libertárias, as Prelazias de Itacoatiara e Parintins fincaram bases de um projeto inovador, elegendo o camponês-ribeirinho, como sujeitos de transformações sociais, lançando as sementes da libertação, da autonomia e do desenvolvimento social. A territorialização camponesa na terra firme se deu através de Comunidades Eclesiais de Bases e colônias agrícolas, fortalecendo suas lutas através da criação de entidades (associações, cooperativas, sindicatos, Escola Família Agrícola) e principalmente, de uma instituição que coordenasse e articulasse as ações juntamente aos setores estatais, engajado de forma ou de outra, despertar a consciência política e social desses sujeitos sociais. A crise econômica, política e ideológica da década de 1980 aos poucos foram esfacelando a importância que o CETRU representou para os colonos e demais segmentos sociais do médio rio Amazonas. Com o fim do regime militar e das instituições que davam suporte financeiro, fundamentais para o funcionamento das estruturas físicas e humanas, a entidade perde importância, passando a se dedicar exclusivamente aos trabalhos executado pela Escola Família Agrícola. Tudo isso somado ao esvaziamento das colônias, fragmentação das lideranças, falta de confiança e de apoio institucional aos poucos foram restringindo suas atividades, paralisadas por completo no final da década de 1990. Com o fim do projeto de colonização, do CETRU e da Escola Agrícola, os últimos diretores da entidade focaram todas as suas forças no cooperativismo agrícola, visando principalmente o mercado consumidor interno e externo. O guaraná, o principal produto econômico das colônias se tornou importante alternativa frente à crises e adversidades produtivas do mundo globalizado.

No ano de 1853, a Província do Paraná se emancipou administrativamente de São Paulo. A recém província passou então a se ocupar do processo de povoamento de seu território, ainda em sua grande maioria despovoados, pois na concepção da época, os indígenas que havia no território não participavam dessa contagem. Levando-se em conta as iniciativas criadas pelo fim do tráfico de escravos e da Lei de Terras, ambas aprovadas em 1850, o projeto colonizador do Paraná teve início. É válido lembrar que já haviam regiões colonizadas antes de 1853, mas o objeto de estudos de nosso trabalho condiz com o surgimento da província independente até o final do Império brasileiro. Dessa forma, buscamos apresentar as colônias formadas na província do Paraná entre 1860, ano em que se constituí a primeira colônia pós emancipação até 1889, onde o recorte de nossa tese é proposto. Obviamente que não é possível ignorar os períodos anteriores e posteriores para melhor contextualizar esse processo. As colônias estudadas em nosso trabalho também têm suas próprias características, ou seja, são colônias formadas, em sua maioria, por europeus, baseadas na pequena propriedade e como objetivo específico o abastecimento do mercado interno. A existência dessas colônias indica um trabalho, ao menos em parte, eficiente por parte do governo provincial e de seus agentes de colonização no processo de atração dessa desejada e esperada mão de obra. No recorte cronológico proposto, ficaram vivendo nesses espaços pouco mais de quatorze mil colonos distribuídos em sessenta e oito colônias. Nosso objeto de estudos, portanto, foi analisar esses imigrantes em seus espaços, buscando relacionar características como sexo, idade, etnia, religião, bem como a estrutura fundiária que se formou nos lotes de terras e a produção que essas colônias conseguiam produzir e se as mesmas tiveram possibilidades de prosperar e manter uma certa autonomia desejada por todos os envolvidos. / In the year 1853, the Paraná Province emancipated administratively of. The new province then went on to occupy the settlement process of their territory, although mostly \"depopulated\" because the design of the time, the Indians who had not participated in the territory of that count. Taking into account the initiatives created by the end of the slave trade and the Land Law, both adopted in 1850, the colonizing project of Paraná began. It is worth remembering that had already colonized regions before 1853, but the object of our work studies is consistent with the emergence of independent province by the end of the Brazilian Empire. Thus, we present the colonies formed in the province of Paraná between 1860, the year that constitutes the first post emancipation colony until 1889, where the cut of our thesis is proposed. Obviously you can not ignore the earlier and later periods to better contextualize this process. The colonies studied in our work also have their own characteristics, ie are formed colonies, mostly by Europeans, based on smallholding and the specific objective of supplying the domestic market. The existence of these colonies indicates a job, at least in part, efficient by the provincial government and its colonization agents in the process of attraction of this desired and expected labor. In the proposed chronological cut, were living in these spaces just over fourteen thousand settlers divided into sixty-eight colonies. Our object of study, therefore, was to analyze these immigrants in their spaces, trying to relate in gender, age, ethnicity, religion, and the land structure that formed in lots of land and the production that these colonies could produce and the they had opportunities to thrive and maintain some autonomy desired by all involved