Orientador: Antonio Thomaz Júnior / Resumo: A discussão da problemática ambiental, não somente pelo viés ecologista, mas no entrecruzamento com a questão do trabalho, reconhecendo este como o processo metabólico que favorece o intercâmbio entre homem e natureza, é o que nos ocupa nesse texto. O processo de reestruturação produtiva do capital desencadeou uma crescente dilapidação da natureza. Não obstante, a relação homem x natureza é condicionada pelas relações sociais engendradas pelo modo de produção capitalista. Assim, urge estudar a relação sociedade-natureza através da relação capital x trabalho com as atenções centradas na dialética da dinâmica do fenômeno do trabalho com a dinâmica geográfica e vice-versa. / Abstract: The discussion of environmental, not only at ecologist sloping, but in the crossing with a the question of the work, recognizing this how the metabolism process as collaborate the inter change among man and nature, is this ourselves in that text. The process of the productive re-structure of the nature. No obstructive, the man x nature report is stipulate at social relations engender at mode of the production capitalist. So, is necessary to teach the society-nature report through of the capital x work report with the atentions concentrate of the dialect of the from dynamic of the work with the dynamic geografic and vice-versa. / Mestre

Orientador: Maria Orlanda Pinassi / Banca: Terezinha Ferrari / Banca: Frederico Daia Firmiano / Resumo: A inclinação política e econômica realizada pelos governos liderados pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores, denominada neodesenvolvimentista é o objeto deste trabalho. O objetivo é identificar os impactos do modelo sobre os trabalhadores. Em caminho oposto ao trilhado pelos defensores do conceito - que insistem em divulgar números de empregos criados, aumento do salário mínimo, políticas sociais e estratégias que visam impulsionar o crescimento econômico -, partimos do entendimento de que o modelo neodesenvolvimentista emerge em um cenário de crise estrutural do capital que tem como consequência o desemprego industrial e a perda da potencialidade civilizadora que caracterizou o capital após a Segunda Guerra em países da Europa ocidental. A ilusão de se resolver a "questão social" que afeta a maior parte da população brasileira a partir da intensificação das relações capitalistas é revelada, neste texto, quando percebemos a predominância dos resultantes da crise estrutural, a permanência de um Estado autocrático e de um projeto político-institucional que visa reduzir as reivindicações dos movimentos populares e dos trabalhadores a políticas públicas e inclusão no mercado por via do consumo. Através desses pressupostos é que podemos sugerir que o neodesenvolvimentismo e sua pretensão social não passam de uma farsa / Abstract: The political and economic inclination made by governments led by the Workers Party, called new-developmentalism is the object of this work. The goal is to identify the model of the impacts on workers. In the opposite way to trod by the concept advocates - who insist on disclosing numbers of jobs created, the minimum wage increase, social policies and strategies to boost economic growth - we start from the understanding that the new-developmentalism model emerges in scenario a crisis structural capital that results in the structural unemployment and loss of civilizing potential that characterized the capital after World War II in Western European countries. The illusion of solving the "social issue" that affects most of the population from the intensification of capitalist relations is revealed in this text, when we noticed the predominance of the resulting structural crisis, the permanence of an autocratic state and a political-institutional project that aims to reduce the demands of the popular movements of workers and the public policies and inclusion in the market via consumption. Through these assumptions we can suggest that the new-developmentalism and social pretension are just a scam / Mestre

Orientador: Plínio Soares de Arruda Sampaio Júnior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T15:21:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Braga_HenriquePereira_M.pdf: 1284966 bytes, checksum: 8a2e7b320d69a1221744ad4419e74f24 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: A fim de lançar bases para a compreensão da riqueza na sociedade capitalista, em especial os limites ao gênero humano que emergem dela, a dissertação apresentada retoma os escritos de Adam Smith sobre riqueza. Em particular, o trabalho está limitado ao exame da Riqueza das Nações, obra na qual o autor dedica-se à defesa do que é riqueza na sociedade de seu tempo, esmiuçando o princípio geral que define esta riqueza e as causas fundamentais para a expansão dela. Através da recuperação deste princípio geral e das causas fundamentais para a geração e a expansão da riqueza, mostrou-se a maneira pela qual o autor apreendeu e conceituou a riqueza em sua época. Efetuada essa demonstração, o trabalho expôs a concepção de progresso, expressa na defesa de determinado comportamento humano, que emerge do modo como o autor apreendeu e conceituou a riqueza. Da demonstração da relação entre riqueza e progresso, o presente trabalho procurou problematizar o fundamento desta relação para Smith, a fim de pensar, a partir deste autor, tanto a maneira de apreender e conceituar a riqueza na sociedade capitalista quanto os limites ao progresso que podem emergir do modo como se compreende esta riqueza / Abstract: In order to lay foundations for the understanding of wealth in capitalist society, particularly the limits to the human being that emerge from this wealth, the work analyses the writings of Adam Smith about wealth. In particular, the work is limited to the examination of the Wealth of Nations, a work in which the author is dedicated to the defense of what is wealth in the society of his time ferreting out the general principle that defines this wealth and the underlying causes for the progress it. Through the recovery of this general principle and the fundamental causes for the generation of wealth and progress, we aim to show the way in which Smith seized the wealth and conceptualized it at his time. After accomplishing this goal, the work aims to show the design progress of mankind (progress), expressed in the defense of a particular human behavior, which emerges from the way that Smith seized the wealth and conceptualized it. Demonstrating the relationship between wealth and progress, this study sought to question the foundation of this relation for Smith to think, from this author, both how to grasp and conceptualize wealth in capitalist society and the limits to the progress that can emerge from the way is understands this wealth / Mestrado / Ciências Economicas / Mestre em Ciências Econômicas

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The purpose of the present study is to compare and to analyze the responses of two opposing groups of writers to the following questions. First, did a capitalistic stage of development occur in China? Second, what factors or conditions are responsible for the retardation or absence of capitalism? One group of writers is composed of Western social scientists, and the other of Chinese Communist writers.

This dissertation examines the narratives deployed to produce space(s) and how they become imbued with the authority to do so. The narratives-as-knowledge considered here are grounded in a specific place: the Mediterranean Basin, within which the site of analysis, Palestine, sits. How, in this particular place, has the earth been read and translated into different narratives of the past and the present, how does one gain the authority to do so, and how does this authority enable prophesizing the future? I argue for the importance of understanding the foundations of the earth sciences, namely geology, which remains steeped in colonial and capitalist roots and the ideological logics of extractivism as opposed to mutuality. Geology governs much of our understandings of the earth, space, and time. Archival research reveals that in Palestine, Biblical and geological narratives emerged concomitantly; both read the history of earth and mankind through its translation of the strata of the underground, which in turn granted the authority to prophesize the future. The local, intimate knowledge of the land, and thus the narratives of the land, are in contest in colonial contexts – colonial knowledge depends on and exploits local knowledge. The development of the modern-nation state enfolds the holders of this knowledge within its institutions as it seeks to make nature legible for extraction. In settler-states, however, the holders of intimate knowledge are excluded from the state. This, I argue, can help us understand the impasse between Gaza’s tunnel diggers and the Israeli military and offers us a case study of the potential of subterranean knowledge to rethink the Earth Sciences and their colonial capitalist paradigms. Place matters, and I focus on the dueling narratives in Gaza that reproduce it. Through a combined methodology of historical research and ethnography with the local population, I first argue Gaza should be unmapped from “the Gaza Strip,” and counter-mapped (through history and ethnography) as Southern Palestine. After redefining the geography of Gaza, I focus in on daily life on the surface of a vibrant Gaza filled with unexpected relations. The dissonance of mainstream humanitarian discourse on Gaza is shorn of historical context of colonialism and prophesizes certain death, whereas the anti-colonial narrative of local resistance promises a liberated future. I then move underground to the tunnels of Gaza, where smuggling and the logics of capital accumulation – which per local analysts had only the certainty of social deterioration – butt up against the underground resistance’s liberatory discourse and reality on the ground. I detail how the “purity” of resistance and its intimate knowledge is contained and captured in the different nation-states dividing the region of southern Palestine, namely Israel and Egypt and the quasi-state status in Palestine – but not entirely. Back above ground, social deterioration and state violence is mediated through conspiracy theories prophesizing an uncertain future for Gaza, namely the Deal of the Century that threatens to redraw the map of Gaza. Meanwhile, Egypt and Israel continue to deploy local knowledge for extractive industries. However, I argue, something fugitive remains that cannot be contained even by their powerful militaries. The dominant mainstream narratives of humanitarianism, climate catastrophe, the Deal of the Century, and so on only lead to catastrophe, whereas looking to local, intimate knowledge that is fugitive from containment or erasure offer a different reading of and relationship with the land and hence different, even liberatory possibilities for the future. Following assertions that we are a storytelling species and should re-write our origin stories and hence our prophecies, I conclude with a reflection on different subterranean poetics and land-human-animal relations to imagine what a critical geology might look like as a contribution toward new, all-inclusive theories of earth.

Contemporary methods of food production in the United States have become undeniably destructive ecologically.  Two of the strongest symbols of that destruction from corporate industrial agriculture are CAFOs (Confined Animal Feeding Operations) and monoculture crop production.  This thesis seeks to find examples of producers refusing these methods as well as what motivates those producers to refuse, and what that refuse could mean politically.  The project is grounded theoretically in the work of critical theorists, especially Herbert Marcuse, because the Frankfurt School\'s criticism of instrumental rationality and understanding of domination functions to elucidate the societal conditions that allow for agricultural (over)production to be swept up in problematic methods in the name of efficiency. Part I starts by analyzing academic as well as popular discourses of CAFOs and the historical process of industrializing meat production and agriculture in the United States.  Here both corporate capitalism and enlightenment rationality are indicted and Marcuse\'s theories are put to work to set up what is being refused. Part II uses examples of organic and local food to provide an understanding for how consumption centered refusals can be co-opted by corporate interest.  Part III seeks out contemporary refusals that go past \'green consumerism\' and foster a "new sensibility" that is grounded in a sense of place, ecological cooperation with nature, and refuses corporatism.  In this new sensibility there is a direct rejection of the instrumental rationality, the profit motive and exploitation of nature. / Master of Public and International Affairs

In 2012, the death of Trayvon Martin would activate the conscience of Black Americans nationwide. In response to the acquittal of Martin’s assailant, a social media movement with the hashtag “Black Lives Matter” was conceived. The Black Lives Matter Movement attempts to impede the recurrent nature of police violence in Black communities. I hypothesize that colonialism and racial capitalism creates an environment for police violence, which leads to social movements like Black Lives Matter. I also argue that the commodification of race, an element of racial capitalism, serves as a distraction from the overall impact of systematic racism. I examine the oppressive nature of capitalism and neocolonialism, and the conditions they produce in housing and education. I examine the role of the two major political parties in suppressing and co-opting movements like Black Lives Matter, and whether or not the two major parties can be effective resources for the movement.

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No description available.