At the turn of the nineteenth century, global capitalism has introduced an unprecedented phenomenon: the reorientation of temporality and spatiality. Capitalist temporality and global space allowed Asian intellectuals to imagine, for the first time, a synchronized globe, where Asia became consciously worldly. Asian intellectuals began to reinterpret the indigenous categories such as the tributary system in order to make sense of the regionalization of Asia in the capitalist world system. The unity of Asian countries formed an alliance which resisted the homogeneity and universality claimed by European hegemony. Along with the revival of the Asian ideal, the tributary system was reimagined as the incarnation of Asian heterogeneity, a source that could be utilized in the common struggle of resisting European hegemony. What the tributary system represented in the discourse of Asianism at the turn of the twentieth century, then, is a new possibility of relation between nation-states.

Modern capitalism is not singular. There are varieties of capitalism in the contemporary world. This thesis aims to apply the Varieties of Capitalism approach developed by Hall and Soskice (2001) to the case of the Czech Republic and ascertain whether the Czech market economy is approaching a liberal or a coordinated ideal type defined by these authors. At the same time, such findings might provide an answer to whether the Varieties of Capitalism approach designed for advanced industrialized economies is fully applicable for analysis of a post-socialist country that underwent a complicated process of economic and institutional transformation.

Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Devil on the Cross represents both an insightful interpretation and a scathing critique of Kenyan politics and society during the period of neo-colonialism. The present thesis aims to explore, with the help of Marxist ideology and criticism, the relevance of the issues of class struggle, elitism and social collectivism in the novel. At the same time, this study will attempt to define Devil on the Cross as a "national allegory" depicting situations that are common to almost all post-colonial societies, and in particular, how the novel's ideological and political commitment is an important feature as it reflects Ngugi’s effort to draw attention to how Kenya and Africa as a whole suffered from imperialism, neo-colonialism, and a corrupt and greedy capitalist society.

The substance of this thesis is going to conduct Feminism into the research of female labor situation and current equal rights between two sexes through demonstration of Patriarchy and Feminism. To solve the straits and situation of female labor under the collusion of Patriarchy and Capitalism after analyzed the comparison of Feminism Legal Research and related references. Further, to expect our government can implement actually the equal rights between two sexes. When we discovered successfully the equal rights between two sexes in advanced countries, which have included all levels, the fluctuations of equal rights between both sexes are predominated by our Patriarchy government that cannot realize the core of female demand. And also any kind of protection strategies separated in different laws so result in much disadvantages and conflicts. Furthermore, the females suffer from unfair dual treatments of labor market and no-pay labor in domestic chores because of the logic of labor force and class construction, which are formed by conventional Patriarchy values and capitalism. In job market, the females have to face up to the traits of sexual discrimination, informally payment, sex harassment, pregnancy prevention, re-employee, personalize child care, and lack of female protection. However, under the backgrounds of political and economical structures and the pressure of interpretation of law made by the Grand Justice the woman movements were springing up lately and to supervise government to establish Gender Equality in Employment Law in accordance with the bases of the legal principles, so as to achieve the goal of implementing the equal rights for both sexes. The problems of Patriarchy have been broken progressively by Gender Equality in Employment Law and Sexual Harassment Prevention Law, in which include forbiddance of sexual discrimination employment equality, and sexual harassment prevention. It does not only integrate and make up lack of equal rights between two sexes by past, but also transform the ¡§Female Protection¡¨, which was forbidden by Patriarchy, to ¡§Gender Equality¡¨. Moreover, try to make reasonable for sexual discrimination and to achieve the purpose of gender equality. Although we have discovered actual situation that still not implement overall in our society, gender equality has changed and adjusted. Thus, to realize the gender subject is mutual responsibility and concept of two sexes, enterprises, and government. In a word, under the demonstration of Patriarchy and Feminism we disclose that the cultural hegemony and collusion of Patriarchy and Capitalism are the key points of obstructing the practice of equal rights for both sexes. Women groups have realized the idea of Feminism by means of Gender Equality in Employment Law and Sexual Harassment Prevention Law. Although there are many compromises and concessions in the process, they have broken the phenomenon of the predominant status and impediment of Patriarchy gradually, and the women issues are promoted to the category of public area to be discussed. The predicaments of women in families and jobs have received much attention. It is possible to realize the equal rights for both sexes and gender equality, and the day of accomplishing the equal rights for both sexes can be expected soon.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2001. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 325-340). Also available on the Internet.

Insug.-diss.--Freiburg i.B. / Lebenslauf. "Literaturverzeichnis": p. 182-186.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2001. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 325-340). Also available on the Internet.

Born out of a long term interest in history and social change and nearly two decades of involvement in building and architecture, this dissertation aims to make a contribution to both a materialist theory of the production of the built environment and to our knowledge of the history of the Russian and Soviet experience. It is not however intended as a history book, rather the spatial and temporal co-ordinates of the text, Russia and Moscow, and the historical period from the end of the eighteenth century to the early 1990 s, offer a framework within which theoretical and historical questions of a more general nature concerning the social character of labour and space can be explored. The emphasis throughout is on the concept of the social production of the built environment at the centre of which lies the labour process, understood in its most general sense as purposeful human activity. The dissertation seeks to show how changes in the dialectic of the forces of production, the physical and mental means by which the built environment is created, and the relations of property, control and power within which the production process occurs, are central to an understanding of the historical transformation of human labour, the form of buildings and the organisation of space.

Rawls emphasizes in his later writings that his theory of justice as fairness is not a defense of welfare-state capitalism. He argues that welfare-state capitalism cannot be an acceptable regime for justice as fairness because its ideal institutional description fails to satisfy the two principles of justice in various ways. Against Rawls, I argue in this thesis that his rejection of welfare-state capitalism is not justified. I begin by clarifying an ambiguity regarding what arrangements and policies according to Rawls are essential to satisfy the two principles of justice through closely studying the institutional arrangements of property-owning democracy and liberal socialism—the two regimes thought by Rawls as capable of fully satisfying the two principles of justice. After that, I show that the fundamental reason behind Rawls’s rejection of welfare-state capitalism is his assumption that welfare-state capitalism does not aim to realize justice as fairness. I argue that this assumption held by Rawls is not justified because the essential institutional features of welfare-state capitalism can be compatible with the arrangements and policies necessary to satisfy the principles of justice. I also argue that if Rawls’s assumption regarding the aim of welfare-state capitalism cannot stand, he should not rule out welfare-state capitalism as an acceptable regime for justice as fairness. Finally, I examine different arguments that provide alternative reasons to justify Rawls’s rejection of welfare-state capitalism. I argue that all of them are unsuccessful because they either are based on problematic interpretations of the two principles of justice or fail to conclusively rule out welfare-state capitalism. By showing that welfare-state capitalism can be an acceptable regime for justice as fairness, this thesis proves that a just society does not need to be the one that entitles every citizen to a substantive right to own real capital. Also, in the process of arguing for welfare-state capitalism, this thesis also indirectly contributes to the recent debates between Rawlsians on the left and right over the proper interpretations of the first principle of justice and the Difference Principle. / published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Philosophy

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