At the turn of the nineteenth century, global capitalism has introduced an unprecedented phenomenon: the reorientation of temporality and spatiality. Capitalist temporality and global space allowed Asian intellectuals to imagine, for the first time, a synchronized globe, where Asia became consciously worldly. Asian intellectuals began to reinterpret the indigenous categories such as the tributary system in order to make sense of the regionalization of Asia in the capitalist world system. The unity of Asian countries formed an alliance which resisted the homogeneity and universality claimed by European hegemony. Along with the revival of the Asian ideal, the tributary system was reimagined as the incarnation of Asian heterogeneity, a source that could be utilized in the common struggle of resisting European hegemony. What the tributary system represented in the discourse of Asianism at the turn of the twentieth century, then, is a new possibility of relation between nation-states.

At the turn of the nineteenth century, global capitalism has introduced an unprecedented phenomenon: the reorientation of temporality and spatiality. Capitalist temporality and global space allowed Asian intellectuals to imagine, for the first time, a synchronized globe, where Asia became consciously worldly. Asian intellectuals began to reinterpret the indigenous categories such as the tributary system in order to make sense of the regionalization of Asia in the capitalist world system. The unity of Asian countries formed an alliance which resisted the homogeneity and universality claimed by European hegemony. Along with the revival of the Asian ideal, the tributary system was reimagined as the incarnation of Asian heterogeneity, a source that could be utilized in the common struggle of resisting European hegemony. What the tributary system represented in the discourse of Asianism at the turn of the twentieth century, then, is a new possibility of relation between nation-states.

The thesis breaks modern Japanese thoughts on China and Asia into four categories, according to their evaluation of the universalist quality of Europeanness as well as Japan¡¦s role in promoting universalism. These categories are assimilation, Asian renaissance, Resistance and Japanism. The thesis attends specifically to the last category in that it represents a nascent trend in the Japanese thinking that no long considers it necessary for Japan to be associated with either Europe or Asia in order to join the world¡¦s puruisit of universalism.

At the turn of the nineteenth century, global capitalism has introduced an unprecedented phenomenon: the reorientation of temporality and spatiality. Capitalist temporality and global space allowed Asian intellectuals to imagine, for the first time, a synchronized globe, where Asia became consciously worldly. Asian intellectuals began to reinterpret the indigenous categories such as the tributary system in order to make sense of the regionalization of Asia in the capitalist world system. The unity of Asian countries formed an alliance which resisted the homogeneity and universality claimed by European hegemony. Along with the revival of the Asian ideal, the tributary system was reimagined as the incarnation of Asian heterogeneity, a source that could be utilized in the common struggle of resisting European hegemony. What the tributary system represented in the discourse of Asianism at the turn of the twentieth century, then, is a new possibility of relation between nation-states.

Kenkoku University (Nation-Building University, abbreviated as Kendai) was the university founded in 1938 by the Kwantung Army, the Japanese army of occupation of the northeastern provinces of China commonly designated Manchuria. Sheared off from China by the Kwantung Army in March 1932 and declared an independent country, Manchukuo existed as a client state of Japan on the margins of the international order, recognized by a handful of nations. Kendai was the only institution of higher learning administered directly by the Manchukuo's governing authority, the State Council, which was dominated by Japanese officers. Kendai recruited male students of Japanese, Chinese, Korean, Taiwanese, Mongolian, and Russian backgrounds, and aimed to nurture a generation of leaders who would actualize the Pan-Asianist goal of "harmony among various peoples residing in Manchukuo," one of the founding principles of Manchukuo. Wartime relations between Japanese and non-Japanese are often framed in terms of binary narratives of resistance to or collaboration with Japanese imperialism. Assuming that national consciousness had firmly taken root in people's minds, most historians simply dismiss Japan's wartime discourse of Pan-Asianism as just another empty rationale for the domination of subject peoples by an imperial power, akin to the Anglo-American ‘white man's burden.’ Recent scholarship, however, has complicated the picture by identifying multiple and competing articulations of Pan-Asianism, while re-examining its effects on policy making and its reception by subject populations. My dissertation extends this effort by investigating actual practices of Pan-Asianism as experienced by Japanese and Asian students enrolled at a unique institution whose ideal was Asian unity on the basis of equality. Taking Kendai as a case study and uncovering the interactions that shaped relations below the level of the state, I attempt to demonstrate that the idealistic and egalitarian version of Pan-Asianism exercised considerable appeal even late into World War II.

The Republican period in Chinese history (1911-1949) is generally seen as a series of anti-imperialist and anti-foreign movements that coincide with the development of Chinese nationalism. The continual ties between Chinese nationalists and Japanese intellectuals are often overlooked. In the midst of the Sino-Japanese war, Uchiyama Kanzō, a Christian pacifist who was the owner of the bookstore, acted as a cultural liaison between May Fourth Chinese revolutionaries who were returned students from Japan, and Japanese left-wing activists working for the Communist cause, or visiting Japanese writers eager to meet their Chinese counterparts. I explore the relationship between Japanese and Chinese cultural literati in Shanghai, using Uchiyama Bookstore as the focal point. The ongoing Sino-Japanese tensions surrounding the "history problem" overemphasize the views of the right-wing nationalists and the Japanese state, dismissing the crucial role of left-wing groups. Uchiyama is a key link to understanding the ideological connection between Pan Asian anti-war activists in the pre-war period with peace activists in post-war Japan who were often accused of being "China's hand." Uchiyama, valued for his prewar connections with prominent Chinese intellectuals, becomes one of the founding members of Sino-Japan organizations upon his return to Japan after the war. I situate non-governmental Sino-Japanese organizations within the larger peace movement in Japan, which are transnational, in contrast with intergovernmental organizations that operate on the basis of nation-states. This work will contribute towards a growing recognition of histories that transcend nations, by focusing on both Chinese and Japanese cosmopolitan individuals who continued to form ties with each other, even as their respective nation-states were either at war, or did not have normalized diplomatic relations. I hope to also shed new light on histories of Republican China and post-war Japan, as well as explore issues related to empire and globalization in East Asia. / text

The subject of this dissertation is the life and career of \(Nakano Seig\bar{o}\), a Japanese journalist and politician born in Fukuoka-city on the southwestern island of \(Ky\bar{u}sh\bar{u}\) in 1886. Initially a liberal and a democrat, Nakano became enamored with European-style fascist movements in the 1930s and tried to start a similar political mass movement in Japan. Advocating a hard-line \(vis-\grave{a}-vis\) America and England, Nakano supported Japan’s entry into WW2. As early as mid-1942, however, he understood that Japan could not win the war and demanded that the government sue for peace – a position that put him into direct opposition with Japan’s military. After being imprisoned briefly for his attempt to bring down the \(T\bar{o}j\bar{o}\) cabinet in the summer of 1943, Nakano committed ritual suicide in October of the same year. The dissertation focuses on Nakano’s enchantment with European fascist movements – Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in particular - and his attempts to launch a similar movement in Japan. Nakano’s attraction to fascism was, in part, a reaction to the international economic and political trends following the Great Depression but also reflected his life-long admiration for charismatic political leaders. His fascist leanings were also the result of a complex political calculation that aimed to exploit the appearance of the masses on Japan’s political stage. The thesis argues that Nakano’s attempt to launch a popular mass movement modeled on the European fascist movements failed both because Nakano’s parties (first the \(Kokumin D\bar{o}mei\), 1931-6 and then the \(T\bar{o}h\bar{o}kai\), 1937 – 1943) lacked ideological cohesion as well as truly totalitarian scope and because Nakano refused to resort to political violence as a means to achieve his political ends. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

From the late nineteenth century, works inspired by Western art spread to China and Korea through Japan. Thus, Western art came to be accepted in China and Korea as a reinterpretation of Japan’s development of Western art, rather than a direct transmission from Western sources. This act of reinterpretation went on to have a lasting effect on the practice of Western-style painters in East Asia with their own acceptance modes. This thesis provides a study of self-portraits and nude paintings, two categories of painting without precedent in East Asia prior to the late nineteenth century, created by Kuroda Seiki, Li Shutong, Go Hui-dong, and Kim Gwan-ho in order to illustrate how East Asian countries established their own versions of modern art.

Cette thèse, motivée par les recherches récentes sur la « rhétorique musicale », étudie le nombre éloquent, notion aux nombreuses ramifications dans les domaines oratoire et poétique, encore peu examinée dans le champ musical. L’approche est philologique, comparatiste et historique, et vise à déterminer dans quelle mesure, entre 1600 et 1750, les modes d’approche et de perception du nombre en poésie et dans l’art oratoire ont eu leur équivalent en musique, en Italie (jésuite essentiellement) et en Allemagne. Après une mise en perspective de la culture des spécialistes de musique, partagée entre rhétorique scolaire et éloquence adulte, l’examen du découpage conceptuel opéré par les Anciens entre oratio vincta et soluta permet d’identifier des modes de composition, d’écoute et de prononciation du discours musical vocal et instrumental. La perception de la stricte récurrence propre à la musique métrique (vincta) contraste avec celle de la bigarrure variée de la musique « en prose » (soluta), et les approches érudites et néophytes diffèrent. Au plan micro-structurel, les périodes musicales sont abordées à l’instar des périodes oratoires. Selon qu’elles sont « arrondies » ou « articulées », elles mettent en œuvre le nombre grâce aux rythmes, à la conduite harmonieuse et à un travail de structuration par amplification. L’écriture périodique apparaît comme un principe fondamental de composition. La réflexion sur l’éloquence du nombre en musique s’inscrit finalement dans le débat touchant le meilleur style. Tenants de la brièveté musicale et partisans de l’abondance s’opposent, appliquant au domaine musical les réflexions sur le laconisme, l’atticisme et l’enflure. / This dissertation was undertaken in the wake of the recent research about musical rhetoric and focuses on the rhetorical number, a concept of acknowledged significance in the field of oratory and poetry that as yet has seldom been examined in the field of music. Following a philological, comparative and historical approach, the present study aims at determining to what extent the modes of perception and approach of the numerus in poetry and rhetoric had counterparts in music in Italy (mainly among the Jesuits) and Germany between 1600 and 1750. The study first deals with the culture of music specialists, which relates partly to scholastic rhetoric and partly to mature eloquence, and then investigates the conceptual division set by the Ancients between oratio vincta and soluta, so as to show that such division makes it possible to delineate the composition and listening and pronunciation processes of musical discourse, both vocal and instrumental. Perception of the strict recurrence that is specific to metrical music (vincta) contrasts with the heterogeneous variety of « prose »music (soluta) and it differs among scholars and novices. As for the microstructures of discourse, musical periods are tackled similarly to oratorical periods. Whether they are « rounded » or « articulated », they become rhythmical thanks to metrical feet or harmonious structure as well as processes of amplification. Periodical style appears fundamental to composition. The present dissertation eventually shows that the discussion of musical oratio numerosa is related to the impassioned debate over the best musical style (brevity, abundance, laconism, atticism and bombast).

近代日本將「亞細亞」想像為一個共同體 (imagined community)，在政治、經濟、文化、知識等面向加以呈現，寄託日本自我定位的國族敘事，型塑國家的外交政策與戰略目標。「亞細亞」一度是象徵停滯、落後的符碼，但在1980年代後，隨著日本經濟崛起與區域主義 (regionalism) 勃興，帶有文化意涵的「東亞」轉而成為日本烘托自身優越感的地標，本文即試圖透過對近代日本亞洲論述的梳理和考察，揭示此類話語所反映的認同政治。本文假定，日本對「東亞」的想像空間源自於三重結構，即對抗中華霸權與西方帝國主義的文明論述；以中華帝國為中心、涵括其周邊地區的「前近代」(pre-modern) 朝貢體制與華夷秩序；以及反思西方近代性的知識建構，重建東亞近代性的對話空間。這三重結構轉喻下的日本，呈現三種存在樣態 (mode of being)，即抵抗 (resistance)、鑲嵌 (embeddedness) 與再現 (representation)，三者在不同條件下各有凸顯，但揭示的問題意識 (problematic) 如一，即「東亞」作為對應於「歐洲」或「西方」的「建構的實在」(constructed reality)，擁有與歐洲或西方不同的特質，成為日本據以證成其獨特發展的基底、書寫自我認同的對象，反映知識社群面對他者時的集體焦慮，「東亞」因而在不同時期呈現不同樣態，被賦予不同的政治任務，其間變化必須從「東亞」相對於日本近代化的情境來理解。刻畫西方近代性的「亞細亞」空間與「近代」時間，在知識上予以構連 (articulation) 後，「共同體」的型塑成為日本在東方與西方、自我與他者、區域與全球之間依違擺盪的認同地標，抵抗的意義旨於再現自我，鑲嵌的異化證成抵抗的合法性，而再現最終又回歸鑲嵌的論域。本文的設計重點在於揭示一種研究途徑，透過不同立場的經典閱讀，探討東亞近代性構圖中涉及政治地理學的基本問題，闡述日本的亞洲想像之所以以「共同體」為念，並非地理概念的「亞洲中心主義」(Asia-centrism)，而是日本近代化進程中「東方之故鄉」式的情感體現與文明政治，延伸的軸線則是建構歷史主體的自覺意識，既是彰顯國族敘事的辯證命題，也是自我定位的知識建構。 / Modern Japan regards "Ajia" as an imagined community, and exhibits in the political, economic, cultural and epistemic aspects, commits Japan's nationalist narrative of self-orientation accordingly, and shapes her foreign policy and strategic objectives . In modern Japan, "Ajia" was once a negative term by indicating stagnant, laggard, but in the 1980s, as Japan's economy has been developing rapidly and regionalism gaining popularity, the "East Asia" (Tōa) instead became the symbol of heightening her superiority with its cultural implications, this dissertation is trying to reveal the identity politics reflected by such Asianism discourses. This dissertation assumes that Japan's "East Asia" imagination derived from the following triplet structure that is civilization discourse of resisting the hegemony of Chinese and Western imperialism; "pre-modern" Sino-Barbarian (Hua-Yi) tributary system; and reflection to Western modernity knowledge construction, reconstructing the East Asian modernity for dialogue space. Under the triplet structure, there were three kinds of mode of being in modern Japan: resistance, embeddedness and representation, each had been highlighted under different conditions, but the problematic manifested as one, that is the "East Asia" was a "constructed reality" corresponded to the "Europe" or "the West" with different characteristics, constituted the perceptive understructure of Japan's unique development road, and illustrated in self-identity writing context, underlined the collective anxiety of her knowledge community when faced with "the others". As a result, "East Asia" implied its different significances at different stages, and been given different political tasks, during which the change must be understood from the "East Asia" relative to Japan’s context of modernization. After articulation of knowledge, the spatial "Ajia" and temporal "Kindai" which depicted the Eurocentric modernity, converged on Japan’s "community" imagination that swung between the East and West, self and the others, regional and global identity landmarks. The implication of resistance aimed at self-representation, as alienated embeddedness justified the legitimacy of resistance, and representation returned to the field of embeddedness discourse eventually.