Kenkoku University (Nation-Building University, abbreviated as Kendai) was the university founded in 1938 by the Kwantung Army, the Japanese army of occupation of the northeastern provinces of China commonly designated Manchuria. Sheared off from China by the Kwantung Army in March 1932 and declared an independent country, Manchukuo existed as a client state of Japan on the margins of the international order, recognized by a handful of nations. Kendai was the only institution of higher learning administered directly by the Manchukuo's governing authority, the State Council, which was dominated by Japanese officers. Kendai recruited male students of Japanese, Chinese, Korean, Taiwanese, Mongolian, and Russian backgrounds, and aimed to nurture a generation of leaders who would actualize the Pan-Asianist goal of "harmony among various peoples residing in Manchukuo," one of the founding principles of Manchukuo. Wartime relations between Japanese and non-Japanese are often framed in terms of binary narratives of resistance to or collaboration with Japanese imperialism. Assuming that national consciousness had firmly taken root in people's minds, most historians simply dismiss Japan's wartime discourse of Pan-Asianism as just another empty rationale for the domination of subject peoples by an imperial power, akin to the Anglo-American ‘white man's burden.’ Recent scholarship, however, has complicated the picture by identifying multiple and competing articulations of Pan-Asianism, while re-examining its effects on policy making and its reception by subject populations. My dissertation extends this effort by investigating actual practices of Pan-Asianism as experienced by Japanese and Asian students enrolled at a unique institution whose ideal was Asian unity on the basis of equality. Taking Kendai as a case study and uncovering the interactions that shaped relations below the level of the state, I attempt to demonstrate that the idealistic and egalitarian version of Pan-Asianism exercised considerable appeal even late into World War II.

This dissertation studies the cultural imagination of Manchukuo the nation (1932-1945). As a nominal nation-state imposed upon Chinese Manchuria by the Empire of Japan, Manchukuo is a contradiction between sovereignty and coloniality, both due to the historical competition of geopolitical powers in the region and its multiethnic composition of the national community. In its short political life, Manchukuo bears witness to an unprecedented flourish of literary and film production. This textual corpus remains understudied and its relationship to Chinese literature and culture or Japanese literature and culture is insufficiently explored. Armed with postcolonial and minority discourse, this project examines how Manchukuo cultural production mediates the notion of the nation and sovereignty in the context of Japanese imperialism. The close reading and critical interrogation of this body of literary and filmic texts shall generate provocative questions for the reconstruction of Chinese literary studies and East Asian studies. The body of the dissertation consists of four interrelated arguments. Framing the reading in the context of recent scholarly debate on “the Sinophone,” Chapter two considers Manchukuo literature as a “minor literature” whose distinction lies in its writers’ use of “deterritorialized” Chinese, Japanese, and Russian. Multilingualism and multiethnicity are therefore the (trans)national features of Manchukuo literary production. This literary “sovereignty” is then re-examined through the representation of Manchukuo’s women and family in Chapter three. Interpreting coloniality through reading gender relations, this chapter highlights the unusual progressive portrayal of women in Manchukuo. This discovery of Manchukuo women’s autonomy and mobility is reinforced in the interpretation of Manchukuo’s dramatic feature films. Working through feminist critique of gender division and looking into magazines of the era, chapter four and five analyze the films’ explanation of a contradiction within Japanese imperialism. This contradiction of “sovereignty” and “submission” gets further elaboration in Chapter five. An interpretation of the star text of Ri Kōran reveals her stardom and Manchukuo film musical provides a unique anti-romantic “affiliation” of the Manchukuo nation.

The purpose of this paper is to study and evaluate the Japaenese program relative to the Mongol question. Some questions to consider would be: What relationship was there between the Hsingan provinces and the Manchukuo government and why? What specific Mongol programs did the Japanese promote and why? What were the results? How did the Mongols react? What designs did the Japanese have in Outer Mongolia and Inner Mongolia relative to her key position in Eastern Mongolia? Why and how did China and Russia react to Japan's plans and what were the results? How did the Mongol react to the three Asiatic Powers at this period? In an overall view, what were the successes and failures of the Japanese in their attempt to solve the Mongol question?

The aim of master thesis is to analyze the economic development of Manchukuo and to answer the question whether the establishment of Manchukuo had positive or negative impact on the economic development of the area. The analysis of the economic development of the region in 1929-1945 proves that the economic impact on the development of the area was positive. Despite an effort to have Manchukuo economically self-sufficient, the region was still very dependent on Japan in both economical and political aspects. However, the comparison of Chinese and Manchukuo's economies shows a higher level of economic development of Manchukuo. The thesis uses the method of the probe and historical-critical method. The conclusions are primarily based on historical and up-to-date literature written by foreign and Czech authors.

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九一八事變自始就是一部由關東軍自導自演的軍事行動，與日本政府沒有直接關聯。因而事變初起時關東軍、陸軍中央和外務省間存在許多分歧與矛盾。由於關東軍掌握了主動權，軍部則因理念認同故主張對其行為予以追認，導致政府、外務省都很難約束關東軍的躁進，但為顧及國際觀感不得不製造出一個不擴大的方針，事實上則只能透過內閣決議、佐之以國際戰略的分析，勸阻其從整體戰略利益角度停止軍事行動，許多時候後者還比前者有說服力。 若槻內閣時期日本經歷了三次國聯行政院調停會期，當時外相為幣原喜重郎，向以「協調外交」主張聞名。九一八事變爆發初期，若槻內閣確曾遵循協調外交精神，做出「不擴大事端」決議，並透過各種命令手段，軟硬兼施約束關東軍躁進。但一來受限於施政效能不彰，再者軍部高層又有意包庇，更重要的，是它本身亦有利用軍事戰果協助談判的想法，故未能堅持壓制關東軍初衷，反逐漸向其靠攏，於國聯議場為之辯護。 接任若槻組閣者為政友會的犬養毅，該內閣歷經了兩次國聯調停會期。犬養和中國素有淵源，其組閣確實給包括蔣介石、居正等人解決中日糾紛之期待。但畢竟犬養上台有其特殊背景，加上政友會傳統的對華強硬路線，這些都逼使他不得不收起對華友好的態度，轉趨嚴厲。同時伴隨日軍在東北戰場的百戰百勝，日本輿論也興起一股擁戴擴張熱潮，這股情緒似乎漸漸感染到原先最富國際視野、最能盱衡國際情勢的外交官僚，政友會組閣後該趨勢更趨明顯。於是日本外交代表為掩護滿洲國成立，遂於國聯議場演出了拖延上海談判、力戰小國集團之戲碼。 接任犬養組閣者為前海軍大將齋藤實，該內閣經歷兩次國聯調停會期。自「五一五事件」後軍方掌握政治大權，政黨內閣步入尾聲，外交政策更傾向為擴張服務。儘管少數情況中仍存在與軍部相左聲音，但這一切在軍部高層有力決定政策走向下變得毫無意義。齋藤實任命內田康哉為新任外相，內田隨即改變了日本長期來對滿洲國所持模糊態度，於當年9月正式承認之，等同給了國聯決議一巴掌，加上松滬事變的經驗與1933年1月日本對熱河進攻，凡此皆堅定列強抵制滿洲國決心。而當雙方都不願稍作讓步時，日本退出國聯似乎已成必然。

這是一篇法制史論文，主旨在以宏觀角度來研究日本殖民政策與傀儡政權「滿洲國」法制之間的關係。 在「九．一八」事件之後、滿洲國成立之前，日本方面曾就滿洲何去何從有過爭論，日本最後確定了「滿洲建國」之方針。透過滿洲國中央政府體制之設計、「日系」官吏掌握樞要，日本建立起對滿洲國「內面指導」的體制，實質上操控滿洲國法令之制定。 滿洲國成立之初，日本對地方各省的實質控制程度尚淺。日本先與地方勢力妥協，進而仿效明治維新「廢藩置縣」之經驗，以制度設計及政治運作為手段，漸進地達到中央集權的目標。而在基層地方行政組織方面，日本原本師法統治台灣、關東州、朝鮮之故智，採傳統中國的「保甲制度」；惟滿洲國後期則改採類似日本近代法的「街村制度」。總之，日滿當局相當成功地將國家權力深入地方基層。 日本人相當重視滿洲國的司法建設，致力於司法機關之改組與增設、司法人員換血及日系人員之引進、在地司法人員之培養與考選．．．等等。為了塑造滿洲國「獨立國」的假象及整合權力機制，1937年日本撤廢在滿洲國的「治外法權」，惟在滿日人的實質地位並未受太大影響。 在鞏固政權及維護治安的要求下，滿洲國的刑事法制究竟呈現何種面貌？其與「全體主義」（totalitarianism）時代思潮之間的關係又是如何？日滿當局如何在滿洲國建立起近代化的治安體系，也是本文關心之所在。除了法制面的論述之外，本文將分析滿洲國刑事司法的實際運作、對當地人民帶來何種影響。 日本拓殖政策，在何種程度上影響了民商經濟法制？這個問題將分為三部分回答。第一部分探討滿洲國民商法典之制定及其與日本法之關係。自始至終未完成立法的親屬、繼承法，本部分亦對其延遲的原因及其立法「要綱」加以分析。第二部分乃以日本移民滿洲政策與滿洲國土地法制間之關係為主題，研究日滿當局藉由何種制度設計來便利日人取得土地，並探討此種制度對當地華人造成的影響。第三部分則以「特殊會社」為中心，論述「計畫經濟」、「統制經濟」下的滿洲國經濟法制，及其實際的運作成效。 本文認為，滿洲國法制，不能單純地視為日本攫取殖民利益的工具。它的某些部分，吸納了當時日本學者、政治人物的改革理想，故有一定的進步性、實驗性。而在實踐上，日本殖民統治者，尤其是司法部門，在滿洲國奉行了相當程度的「形式法治主義」。因此，滿洲國法制及其運作，雖不脫「殖民地體制」之本質，卻仍具有其獨特的歷史地位。