This thesis is a study of the Chinese diaspora in Singapore from 1819 to the 1950s. It begins by situating the diasporic subject in a historical context, highlighting some of the key moments in the diaspora's development, such as the advent of colonialism during the nineteenth century, and the formation of an ethnic enclave in the settlement. The discussion then calls into question the construction of the Chinese subject in colonial discourses, and interrogates the ways in which the diasporic population was constituted within the framework of colonialism. The main purpose has been to examine how the diaspora in Singapore has evolved, and to explore the adequacies, or inadequacies, of existing diasporic theories in the ways they relate to the Chinese experience. This is achieved by recapitulating the theoretical implications of existing diaspora frameworks, and questioning the tensions and limitations generated by such discourses. Simultaneously, this study takes into consideration the construction of a "Chinese identity", and does so by presenting possible ways of conceptualisng what it means to be "Chinese" for subjects of the diaspora. In discussing the extent to which the subject's sense of "self" and belonging has been shaped by its immigrant past, this research draws on and studies the writings, both literary and non-literary, that have emerged from the community. A central concern in all this is the identity and subjectivity of the diasporic subject, and the point here is that not every subject experiences diaspora in the same way, but that these alterities are important in the constitution and formation of a Chinese identity. As I note in the introduction, the issue of what it means to be Chinese, and indeed, the issue of home and belonging, is one that is always contested for people in the diasporic community, and the aim of this thesis has been to continually deconstruct the idea of a "single" Chinese diaspora, and to expose it as a heterogeneous, fragmented, and internally differentiated construction.

No description available.

The Republican period in Chinese history (1911-1949) is generally seen as a series of anti-imperialist and anti-foreign movements that coincide with the development of Chinese nationalism. The continual ties between Chinese nationalists and Japanese intellectuals are often overlooked. In the midst of the Sino-Japanese war, Uchiyama Kanzō, a Christian pacifist who was the owner of the bookstore, acted as a cultural liaison between May Fourth Chinese revolutionaries who were returned students from Japan, and Japanese left-wing activists working for the Communist cause, or visiting Japanese writers eager to meet their Chinese counterparts. I explore the relationship between Japanese and Chinese cultural literati in Shanghai, using Uchiyama Bookstore as the focal point. The ongoing Sino-Japanese tensions surrounding the "history problem" overemphasize the views of the right-wing nationalists and the Japanese state, dismissing the crucial role of left-wing groups. Uchiyama is a key link to understanding the ideological connection between Pan Asian anti-war activists in the pre-war period with peace activists in post-war Japan who were often accused of being "China's hand." Uchiyama, valued for his prewar connections with prominent Chinese intellectuals, becomes one of the founding members of Sino-Japan organizations upon his return to Japan after the war. I situate non-governmental Sino-Japanese organizations within the larger peace movement in Japan, which are transnational, in contrast with intergovernmental organizations that operate on the basis of nation-states. This work will contribute towards a growing recognition of histories that transcend nations, by focusing on both Chinese and Japanese cosmopolitan individuals who continued to form ties with each other, even as their respective nation-states were either at war, or did not have normalized diplomatic relations. I hope to also shed new light on histories of Republican China and post-war Japan, as well as explore issues related to empire and globalization in East Asia. / text

No description available.

The expression ‘New Culture Movement’ was born in summer 1919, in the intersections of academic debate, political activism, media coverage and intellectual marketing strategies. I have traced the emergence of the phrase and the discourses around it, using sources like journals, newspapers, student essays, advertisements and conference protocols. The New Culture Movement was a buzzword, deployed by practically-minded but lesser-known intellectuals to promote agendas they had held long before its invention. Many notions we associate with the Movement until today already surrounded it in 1919: for example, that it was connected to the political protests of ‘May Fourth,’ and driven by star intellectuals such as Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu. But closer scrutiny reveals that the New Culture Movement and its network of associations were a construct, an amalgam of newspaper stories and intellectual marketing ploys: the connection to May Fourth was created by newspapers; the intellectuals at the periphery drew upon Hu Shi’s and Chen Duxiu’s prestige to add glamour to their own agendas. Nevertheless, the New Culture Movement shaped China’s 20th century. As only some agendas could credibly be sold as the Movement, it catalysed the plethora of competing agendas that had emerged since the 19th century to tackle the challenges of a changed world order. The New Culture Movement later became a founding myth of ‘Modern China’ and was regarded as the obvious result of global trends towards ‘modernisation,’ which visionary intellectuals recognised. But more recent literature has decentred the Movement, noted a longer history of its ideas and the careerism of its participants. I drive this point further by showing that, at the Movement’s very core, were practically-minded business and marketing strategies, deployed by numerous, lesser-known actors. It was in this way that the course for 20th-century China and one of its founding myths was set.

This thesis deals with miniature poems, which appeared at the beginning of the May fourth movement, as a genre of modern chinese poetry and was redoscovered by the misty poets after the Cultural revolution. Part of a brief introduction to the literary- historical contexts of both periods are short biographies of two representative poets of this genre, Bing Xin and Gu Cheng. Eventually the form and themes of miniature poems are introduced. The main part of this thesis is a comparative study of Bing Xin's and Gu Cheng's miniature poems. The thesis concludes, that Gu Cheng refines and eleborates the artistic value of the miniature poem. Part of the study is a criticism of primary source, as well as a summary of the current state of research. Key words: Modern poetry, Bing Xin, Gu Cheng, místy poetry, May fourth movement

The intellectual and political roots of present-day China lie in the late imperial era and the transition to modern statehood. As the last chain of the thousands years of dynastic rule in China, the Qing Dynasty ended in 1911 with a revolution. Even though the Republican regime was immediately established after their revolution, it took three decades until thenew government (People&rsquo / s Republic of China) achieved full sovereignty on the territory. The thesis argues that the 1911 Revolution is a major turning point in Chinese transformation not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift towards modern statehood. In this study, first, the social forces and actors on the eve of the Revolution are analyzed. The gentry-domination of society and the power relations within the forces involved in the Revolution - especially the intellectuals and the military - appear to be the two major reasons why the transition was not completed with the Revolution. The second focus of the study: the process of breaking with the past. In other words, how was the shift in people&rsquo / s mind achieved? In China, this turning point did not coincide with the 1911 Revolution and/or regime change. It came later in 1910s, reaching its peak in 1919, with the New Culture Movement of the May Fourth intellectuals. There had been some influential intellectuals building a nationalist discourse even before the May Fourth Movement (e.g. Liang Qichao, reformist and ideologue in late Qing dynasty) but the radical and outspoken tone of the New Culture Movement achieved the grounds for a shift in minds. I will briefly analyze the intellectual work of the period and its politicization. A special emphasis is given on Sun Yat-sen&rsquo / s political and intellectual contribution to the transition since he was not only a major political activist but also a theoretician whose works (Three Principles of People) have been influential on China&rsquo / s nation-building process.

À l’aube du XXe siècle, en Chine, un groupe d’intellectuels et d’auteurs se retrouve à la source d’un nouveau mouvement culturel et politique. Les sinologues les appellent les « auteurs du 4-Mai ». Ils ont pour objectif de transformer la Chine, de mettre en place une forme de modernité à l’aide de la littérature. Du rejet de la tradition confucéenne jusqu’à la diffusion des idées du communisme, ils semblent être au cœur de toutes les transformations socio-politiques qu’a connues le pays. L’époque du 4-Mai est un moment charnière dans l’histoire de la Chine. Située juste après la chute du dernier empereur Qing et juste avant la victoire du Parti Communiste Chinois, c’est une époque où la société chinoise a connu une réorganisation. Les intellectuels de cette époque ne font pas exception, une nouvelle configuration se met en place. C’est à l’aide de la sociologie de Norbert Elias que je tenterai de comprendre quelle est la configuration qui permet le développement conjoint, dans une relation d’interdépendance, de la littérature et de la politique. Une nouvelle configuration qui se construit avec les intellectuels du 4-Mai, est différente de celle que formaient les mandarins confucéens de l’époque impériale. Les divers éléments qui permettent aux auteurs du 4-Mai de passer d’une configuration à l’autre (nouveaux thèmes dans la littérature, façons d’être moderne, engagement politique) sont aussi les éléments qui influencent le monde politique, démontrant l’interdépendance des deux sphères. / At the dawn of the twentieth century, in China, a group of intellectuals and writers find themselves at the beginning of a new cultural and politic movement. Sinologists call them the “May-Fourth writers”. They have for goal to transform China, implement a form of modernity in using literature. From the rejection of Confucian tradition to the promotion of the Communist ideas, they seem to be in the middle of every social and political transformation that the country has experienced. The May Fourth era is a turning point in the history of China. It begins just after the fall of the last Qing emperor and ends just before the victory of the Chinese Communist Party, it is a time where the Chinese society was reorganized. The intellectuals were no exception, a new configuration is under construction. It is with the sociology of Norbert Elias that I will try to understand which configuration allow the development of both literature and politics in an interdependent relationship. The new configuration that characterizes the May Fourth writers is different than the one that characterize the Confucian mandarins of the Imperial age. The various elements who allow the May Fourth writers to pass to a configuration to another (new themes in literature, a way to be modern, political commitment) are also the elements that influence the political world, showing the interdependence between them.

The present master's thesis deals with an introduction of Sophia H. Chen Zen (Chen Hengzhe), the first female professor at Beijing University, who in her life and work represents the generation of May Fourth intellectuals, who were educated in traditional scholarship, but who also recieved modern western education. Western scholarship filled these intellectuals with enthusiasm and they were eagerly introducing it into China. Chen Hengzhe grew up in a traditional scholar family, and since her childhood she longed for education. This desire was fulfilled by winning one of the first Boxer Indemnity Scholarship opened for women. She spent six years on her studies in the United States, where she met some of the leaders of the New Culture Movement (merging with the May Fourth Movement) like Hu Shi, or her future husband Ren Hongjun. Chen Hengzhe is also remembered as a writer of the first baihua-written story, in the early beginning of chinese literary movement. But the main field of Chen Hengzhe was history. Using her knowledge and teaching experience, she wrote one of the first histories of the west in China. Exactly in the analysis of her historical writing lies the center of our thesis. The biggest part concerns with Chen Hengzhe's history textbook and its historical and cultural context of early...

In “Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France,” I examine how the two countries translated each other’s revolutions during critical moments of political and cultural crisis (the 1911 Revolution, the May Fourth Movement (1919), the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), and May 1968 in France), and subsequently (or simultaneously), how that knowledge was mobilized in practice and shaped the historical contexts in which it was produced. Drawing upon a broad range of discourses including political journals, travel narratives, films and novels in French, English and Chinese, I argue that translation served as a key site of knowledge production, shaping the formulation of various political and cultural projects from constructing a Chinese national identity to articulating women’s rights to thinking about radical emancipation in an era of decolonization. While there have been isolated studies on the influence of the French Revolution in early twentieth-century China, and the impact of the Chinese Cultural Revolution on the development of French Maoism and French theory in the sixties, there have been few studies that examine the circulation of revolutionary ideas and practices across multiple historical moments and cultural contexts. In addition, the tendency of much current scholarship to focus exclusively on the texts of prominent French or Chinese intellectuals overlooks the vital role played by translation, and by non-elite thinkers, writers, students and migrant workers in the cross-fertilization of revolutionary discourses and practices. Given that potential solutions to social and political problems associated with modernity were debated through the recurring circulation of translations (and retranslations) of ideas such as “democracy”, “natural rights,” “women’s rights,” and so on, I examine: who was translating whom, and for what purposes? What specific concepts and values are privileged, and why? Taking translation and translingual contact as my point of departure, I illuminate how French and Chinese intermediaries envisioned and attempted to create a just society under fraught historical conditions.