En s’appuyant sur le cas d’Asie centrale, cette thèse a pour ambition de comprendre les principes, les mécanismes et le fondement du processus de la politique étrangère européenne actuelle par lesquels l’Union européenne s’efforce de construire une politique de « grand voisinage ». L’objectif central est de savoir si l’Union est en mesure de construire des relations stables et cohérentes avec un espace stratégique et dans un environnement géopolitique complexe, au­delà de sa politique européenne de voisinage. Il s’agit donc d’un cas d’étude sur le savoir­faire de l’Europe dans le monde. Notre étude a montré que l'UE essaie d'exercer son influence en prenant un rôle de « consultant ». Elle se présente comme un acteur inoffensif qui agit en dehors de tout enjeu géopolitique et qui offre son expertise. Ainsi, elle prend consciemment la position d'un acteur de second rang. Cependant, nous avons argumenté que sa vision de la région ainsi que son approche sont tout à fait de nature géopolitique, ce que l’UE dénie pourtant. Quant à son influence réelle, elle est limitée notamment en ce qui concerne sa politique normative (promotion de droits de l’homme, et d’état de droit). Bien que l'UE ne soit pas en mesure de rivaliser avec les autres acteurs dans la région (Russie, Chine), elle a pourtant des avantages comparatifs: elle est perçue comme inoffensive et occupe les domaines de sécurité qui sont négligés par les autres acteurs (la gouvernance, les conflits liés à l’eau et la gestion des frontières), jouant ainsi, certes d’acteur indispensable. / Central Asia is a region beyond the EU’s direct neighborhood and thus an area that allows the EU to demonstrate its desire to enter the global political stage where it needs to cope with other great powers and to pursue its own strategic interests. However, the Central Asian republics have shown little interest for European transition assistance and political norms, unlike other post­communist countries in Europe’s orbit. Hence, the central question of our study was thus: How does the EU exert influence in such a challenging geopolitical context? Our empirical results suggest that the EU tries to exert influence in such environment by consciously taking the position of a second­tier actor who acts as a “consultant”, rather than a power, and whose influence is confined to niche domains in the security sphere. The EU is eager to project a picture of itself as an honest broker with no geopolitical agenda in order to enhance its legitimacy; however, its vision of Central Asia being its ‘far neighborhood’ and the related approach unveils the geopolitical nature of its policies through which the EU tries to shape its close and wider environment. However, the EU struggles to put into effect its normative agenda beyond the EU’s direct neighborhood where other normative actors’ influence (Russia, China) exceeds that of the EU. The EU is not a great power in the region that is capable of competing with other external actors. Nor it is willing to become one. It does, however, have comparative advantages in being perceived as inoffensive and for occupying areas that are neglected by the other actors, thus playing the role of a niche actor, albeit an indispensable one.

<p>Central Asia is a region strategically located at the crossroads of the two continents: Asia and Europe. The region is represented by five states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) with different level of economic development and with the population amounting to over 60 million people. The region is rich in energy resources represented by oil, gas, coal and water resources.</p><p>The thesis analyses, assesses and scrutinises one of the topical issues of the contemporary international relations - cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states before and after adoption in June 2007 of the ‘European Union and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership’,  an important political document in the history of relations between the two parties.</p><p>The new stage of cooperation is analysed more comprehensively accentuating priorities set in the Strategy. Analysis of the current state of affairs is conducted concerning some important issues of the Strategy related to regional cooperation between Central Asian states, such as integrated water management and development of hydro-energy system, issues of diversification of hydrocarbons supply routes from the region to Europe and provision of energy security, etc.</p><p>Issues of cooperation between the European Union and Tajikistan are analysed as a case study. State of affairs between the Central Asian states and the European Union Member States actively cooperating with these countries is characterised.</p><p>The thesis also scrutinises other regional/international actors engaged in cooperation with Central Asia (such as China, Russia, the US, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, etc.) and their potential for interaction with the European Union for more effective joint solution of the problems existing in the region is assessed.</p><p>In the conclusion, development of cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states is scrutinised, the problems and their possible solutions in this regard are analysed, and the recommendations for increasing effectiveness of cooperation between the two parties are presented.</p><p>The European Union’s policy in Central Asia is interpreted from perspective of the theories of international relations namely neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism in the research.</p>

This work is a study in urban history, in particular, one that examines a crucial period in the rise and development of large cities and metropolises in the region of Sogdiana within Central Asia, between the seventh and tenth centuries. The primary focus of inquiry is to show the effects of inter-relationships between social change, intense urbanization and religious conversions that occurred within Sogdiana at this time. All of these processes were initiated as a result of the Arab invasions between 625 and 750 A.D. Sogdia or Sogdiana, along with the regions of Bactria and Khwarazm, were incorporated into the Islamic world through the process of conquest that followed these invasions, but once resistance was extinguished and Islam widely accepted among the populace, these regions became among the most vital centers of urban life in the Islamic world. Sogdiana, among these three regions, witnessed the rise, change and unprecedented development of many large metropolises that were distinct in several ways from the cities in other parts of the Islamic world. Traditional cities in the Islamic world further west and south of Central Asia had a dense structure within an encircling wall, and eventually the residential areas were found to extend beyond the wall, only themselves to be eventually protected by another wall. However, in Central Asia yet another further stage of development took place. Here the main administrative functions and markets moved out into this outer residential area and abandoned the central core. This outer area of the city (the rabad) became the locus of political and commercial activity. In due course the process repeated itself - the residential areas overflowing beyond the walls of the rabad, only themselves to be surrounded by a third outer wall. In this way the Central Asian city developed into a distinct type, markedly different from cities further west and south.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as a regional organization and its role on the policies of People&rsquo / s Republic of China towards Central Asia. Central Asia region is important for Beijing because of plenty of reasons like energy, commercial ties, balancing weight of United States and security of Xinjiang Autonomous Region. In this respect, relations of China with this important region constitute great importance in order to understand current situation and future of China. SCO, as mainly a security organization, has been transformed to a multi purpose organization and it has begun to occupy important place in policies of China towards Central Asia. SCO is a very effective instrument for China in order to implement her policies, increase her influence and solve her problems in the region. This thesis consists of five chapters / explanation of conceptual framework and introduction of the study will be made in Chapter 1 and then broad definition of SCO will be made in Chapter 2. In the 3rd chapter, sources and aims of Chinese foreign policy, Central Asia policy and effects of SCO to these elements will be explained. In chapter 4, attitude of other important powers to SCO will be examined and at the last Chapter thesis will be concluded.

Within the last ten years HIV rates in Central Asia have more than quadrupled amongst the general population. Labor migrants from the region who are working in Russia are considered at high risk of HIV infection due to risky sexual practices. Similar behavior has been documented among labor migrants in sub Saharan Africa. By reviewing medical data and literature written by international health professionals in both regions, I analyze the chain of sexual contact of labor migrants within female partners that contribute to the spread of HIV from Russia to the general population within Central Asia. I use Tajikistan as a case study. The findings of this study recommend that existing behavior modification strategies need to recognize existing gender structures when addressing at risk populations. They must also emphasize collaboration with community religious leaders and civil society organizations to promote effective and appropriate HIV/AIDS education efforts in order to curb the growing prevalence rates among male labor migrants in Central Asia. / text

The effect of recent climate change in Central Asia poses a significant and potentially serious challenge to the region’s agricultural sector. An investigation of the aerosol-climate- crop yield correlation in this region is essential for a better understanding of the effect of aerosols and climate on Central Asian agriculture. Our goal is to investigate the linkages between aerosol, climate and major crop production (cotton, maize, wheat, and rice) in specified agricultural regions in the five Central Asian countries. Our approach is to perform the Pearson’s Correlation Coefficient analysis in order to observe the statistical correlation between crop yield, temperature, precipitation, and aerosol optical depth (AOD), for each indicated agricultural region in the selected countries. Besides, using NASA GIOVANNI website tools, we retrieve distribution maps and time series of temperature, precipitation and AOD to facilitate the analyses. The research shows that in some aspects, the relation between AOD, climate, and crop yield is different in Central Asia than in previous global or large scale research hypotheses. The statistical correlations vary not only across countries but also across agricultural regions. For example, in Kazakhstan, opposite correlations exist between precipitation and AOD in two different agricultural regions even though both regions are rain-fed. In the more arid countries (with lower rain rates) such as Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, no correlation exists between crop production and temperature, precipitation, and AOD, while the less arid (with higher rain rate) countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan) indicate a positive correlation.

This study sought to answer why conflict in Turkey-Iran relations increased in the covered period, considering &ndash / relatively- smooth relations between Turkey and Iran in the 1980s, and thermidorizing of Iran in the 1990s. Indeed, ideology has had an important place in bilateral relations between Iran and Turkey for a long time. Ideological factors constituted the immediate reasons for conflict between Turkey and Iran in the 1990s as well. However, ideological differences between the two countries did not cause any serious conflict in the 1980s. Then, the question arises, why and how did ideological reasons led to severe frictions between Iran and Turkey in the 1990s. In this regard, this thesis paid attention to two factors that have profound effects on the foreign policies of Turkey and Iran / changing internal conditions, and the changing geopolitics of Turkey and Iran after the dissolution of the USSR and the Gulf War of 1991.

Thesis (D.Min.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2004. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 527-542).

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T11:29:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_SolangeReis_D.pdf: 2451285 bytes, checksum: 3d1a87c71861d9c08b3213ac4f0ddcc3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta tese analisa a política externa de energia dos Estados Unidos na Ásia Central e no Cáucaso após a Guerra Fria. Ambas as regiões foram incluídas na grande estratégia do país, pois o fim da fronteira ideológica criou a oportunidade para que os Estados Unidos estendessem sua hegemonia. Como os recursos energéticos regionais representavam novas opções para o mercado global e condicionavam as relações entre as antigas repúblicas soviéticas, os assuntos de energia tornaram-se o princípio orientador da política externa dos Estados Unidos para essas regiões. Ademais, controlar o comércio global de energia sempre fora parte do processo de construção da Pax Americana. Nos governos Bill Clinton e George W. Bush, o planejamento implicou uma política de "portas abertas" para que o capital internacional não encontrasse barreiras de entrada. O objetivo era desenvolver os setores de petróleo e gás, e a capacidade de exportação dos países produtores. A primeira meta era aumentar a segurança energética europeia, cuja dependência em relação à Rússia interferia nos interesses estratégicos dos Estados Unidos. Tal propósito encontrou inúmeros obstáculos, sendo o principal deles o domínio russo sobre as rotas de distribuição. Diante deste quadro, o plano de ação adquiriu um caráter geopolítico, visando reduzir o monopólio russo e a projeção iraniana nas regiões. A baixa permeabilidade regional à influência da superpotência contribuiu para o fracasso do projeto. Na gestão Obama, as possibilidades surgidas com a "revolução de xisto" nos Estados Unidos indicam que a abordagem geoestratégica poderá ser substituída por uma lógica comercial, com maior foco nas nações consumidoras no entorno da Ásia Central e do Cáucaso / Abstract: This thesis analyses U.S. energy foreign policy in Central Asia and Caucasus after the Cold War. Both Regions became part of the American grand strategy, as the end of the ideological frontier created the opportunity for the extension of U.S. hegemony. Since regional energy resources meant new options for the global market and shaped the relations among the old soviet republics, energy became the guiding principle for U.S. foreign policy in those regions. Besides, the control of global energy trade had always been part of the building process of Pax Americana. In Bill Clinton's and George W. Bush's administrations, the plan implied an "open door" policy for the international capital not to face any barriers. The objective was to develop oil and gas sectors and the export capacity of the producing countries. A primary goal was to increase European energy security, whose dependence towards Russia affected U.S. strategic interests. This purpose encountered several obstacles, the main one being Russian domain over distribution routes. This framework led to a geopolitical action plan aimed to reduce Russian monopoly and Iranian projection. The regional impermeability to an influence from a superpower contributed to the failure of the project. In Obama's administration, the possibilities that arouse with "shale revolution" in U.S. suggest that the geostrategic approach might be replaced by a commercial logic, with a greater focus on consuming nations in the vicinity of Central Asia and the Caucasus / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutora em Ciência Política

L’émergence de la Chine ajoute une nouvelle donnée dans la reconfiguration géopolitique de l’Asie centrale après la dissolution de l’Union soviétique. Cependant il y a peu de connaissances sur les intentions de la Chine en Asie centrale et la façon dont la politique chinoise se développe vers cette région. Tout en partant de la méthodologie géopolitique, et empruntant quelques théories des relations internationales, l’étude analyse le positionnement de la Chine en Asie centrale. Nous constatons que la Chine s’adapte de plus en plus à la nouvelle situation centrasiatique par l’adoption de l’approche multilatérale dans sa politique étrangère. Ses activités dans la région sont principalement soutenues par l’Organisation de Coopération de Shanghai, dont le prédécesseur est le Shanghai Cinq visant à résoudre la démarcation et la démilitarisation des zones frontalières. La Chine est ainsi devenue un acteur majeur et flexible, qui a relativement bien réalisé ses intérêts nationaux, tels que la stabilité du Xinjiang, la sécurité des frontières, le développement économique et l’importation énergétique. / The emergence of China adds a new data in the geopolitical reconfiguration of Central Asia after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. However, there is little knowledge about the intentions of China in Central Asia and how China’s policy is developing towards the region. Using the geopolitical methodology and borrowing some theories of international relations, the study examines the positioning of China in Central Asia. We noticed that China is becoming increasingly better adapted to the new Central Asian situation by adopting a multilateral approach in its foreign policy. Its activities in the region are mainly supported by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, whose predecessor is the Shanghai Five to resolve the demarcation and demilitarization issues of the border areas. China has become a major and flexible player, which has relatively well achieved its national interests, such as Xinjiang’s stability, border security, economic development and energy imports.