Thesis (M.P.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1993.

Thesis (M.P.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1993. / Also available in print.

This study investigated the perceptions of Hmong youth gang members and professional workers related to the following research questions: How does a Hmong youth become a gang member? Why are Hmong youth involved in gangs? What are the benefits of being in a gang? What are the activities that Hmong youths do in a gang? How does a gang member get out of the gang? An open-ended survey questionnaire was used for the Hmong youth gang members. A standardized open-ended interview approach was used for the professional workers. Twenty-eight youth gang members and ten professional workers participated in this study. The data collected from this study were analyzed using description, classification, and interpretation techniques. The findings show that a Hmong youth can become a gang member by forming a gang, jumping in (being beaten), or committing a criminal activity. It was found that the youth gang members joined the gang for a variety of reasons, such as having siblings or friends who were in the gang, intimidation, discrimination, fun and excitement, family problems, or school problems. The most frequently stated reasons were gang friends and intimidation. The findings show that the gang provides the gang member friendship, social bonding, belonging, economic gain, respect, support, protection, fun and excitement. The activities that the youth gang members engage in include smoking, drinking, partying, dealing drugs, stealing, fighting, drive-by shootings, and home invasions. The study indicates that jumping out (being beaten), moving away, or getting married are the different ways that a Hmong youth gang member can get out of the gang.

The objective of this study is to put forward informed C4D recommendations to help organizations like UNICEF combat the situation for Syrian refugee children and youths in Lebanon, who through displacement and resettling into the complex Lebanese socio-political landscape may be at risk of becoming a lost generation. This paper focuses on the prevention and elimination of actions such as bullying, sexual harassment, gender-based violence, and early marriage.Conceptual framework: the communication theoretical framework considers Bourdieu’s habitus model as well as the uses and gratification model. Concepts conducive to social cohesion include citizenship, communitas and cosmopolitanism.Methodology: data were gathered through a variety of primary and secondary sources. The former includes semi-structured interviews with subject matter experts and analysis of UNICEF’s external communication practices. The latter comprises the collection, assessment, comparison and summarizing of various reports about Lebanese media.Findings: Lebanon has a pluralistic media landscape, though it appears fragmented, reflecting its socio-political sectarian situation. The media in Lebanon is criticized for lack of public service. The arts scene seems to fill a void in terms of examining the collective memory in respect of not only the civil war (1975-1990) but also of social issues arising as a result of globalization and modernity. Syrians in Lebanon consume Lebanese media as much as media from their own country. Interpersonal communication channels appear to be the preferred mode of communication among both the host and the refugee communities, although among the youth social media platforms such as WhatsApp and Facebook are commonplace. Among the traditional media channels, television appears to be popular. The representation of Syrian refugees in Lebanese media is varied, with about one fourth of the published material portraying Syrians as a security issue.Results: a series of C4D recommendations that use sports and the arts as an overarching theme.