How and why was imperial power made visually and physically manifest in two similar, contemporaneous megastates - the Roman Principate and Qin-Han China? Framing the Chinese and Roman material within such a question breaks it free from the web of expectations and assumptions in which conventional scholarship almost always situates it. It also builds upon the limited but promising work recently undertaken to study these two empires together in a comparative context. The purpose of this thesis is not to discover similarities and differences for their own sake; but, by discovering similarities and differences, to learn about the nature of imperial authority and prestige in each state. The comparative method compels us to appreciate the contingent - and sometimes frankly curious - nature of visual and artefactual phenomena that have traditionally been taken for granted; and both challenges and empowers us to access higher tier explanations and narratives. Roman expressions of power in visual terms are more public, more historical- biographical, and more political, while Qin-Han images and objects related to imperial authority are generally more private, generic and ritual in their nature. The Roman material emphasizes the notional complicity of large groups of people - the imperial subjects who viewed, crafted and often commissioned these works - in maintaining and defining the emperor's power. If the Han emperor's power was the product of complicity, it was the complicity of a small group of family members and courtiers - and of Heaven. These contrasting sets of power relationships connect to a concerted thematic focus, in the case of Rome, on the individual of the princeps; that is, the individual personage and particular achievements - especially military achievements - of the emperor. This focus is almost always taken for granted in Roman studies, but contrasts profoundly with the thematic disposition of Han artefacts of power: these reflect a concentrated disinterest in imperial personality altogether, emphasizing instead the imperial position; that is, both the office of emperor and a cosmic centrality. While this thesis reveals some arresting contrasts, it also harnesses the dichotomous orientations of Roman and Chinese archaeology to reveal that the conventional understanding of much of this material can be misleading or problematic. Many of the differences in the ways such images are usually interpreted have as much to do with the idiosyncrasies and path dependency of two fields - in short as much to do with the modern viewer - as they do with the images themselves and the traditions that produced them.

張慧眞. / 論文(博士)--香港中文大學, 1999. / 參考文獻 (p. 245-260) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Zhang Huizhen. / Lun wen (Bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. / Can kao wen xian (p. 245-260) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

The objective of this thesis is to contribute toward an understanding of missionaries and missions of the west and the rising of the Chinese indigenous churches. There is a necessity to trace the historical protestant mission work since Robert Morrison in 1807. Through the inequality of treaties such as the Nanking Treaty of 1842, the door to missions was opened in China. Missions came in along with western colonialism and military force. The Chinese people and government built up their hatred and resentment of the west during this period. The Boxer Uprising was the beginning of an era of unrest and instability, which brought about greater government interventions that impacted the Chinese people. Missionaries and Chinese Christians were murdered and martyred. However, these tragedies did not stop missions from sending more missionaries. Chinese Christians and leaders opened their eyes. The new awakening started Chinese indigenous churches through a revivalist and spiritual emphasis. Speakers such as Ding Li-Mei, Wang Ming-Dao, David Yang, John Sung, Watchman Nee, and Calvin Chao were active during the period between 1925 and 1949. Indigenous churches like the True Jesus Church, Jesus family Church, Zei Li Hwey and Ling En Hwey came into being. This was a most challenging era in modem Chinese Church history. The results were great. Since 1949 and the "Liberation" the Chinese church has marched on without western missionaries. / Christian Spirituality, Church History, and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

The objective of this thesis is to contribute toward an understanding of missionaries and missions of the west and the rising of the Chinese indigenous churches. There is a necessity to trace the historical protestant mission work since Robert Morrison in 1807. Through the inequality of treaties such as the Nanking Treaty of 1842, the door to missions was opened in China. Missions came in along with western colonialism and military force. The Chinese people and government built up their hatred and resentment of the west during this period. The Boxer Uprising was the beginning of an era of umest and instability, which brought about greater government interventions that impacted the Chinese people. Missionaries and Chinese Christians were murdered and martyred. However, these tragedies did not stop missions from sending more missionaries. Chinese Christians and leaders opened their eyes. The new awakening started Chinese indigenous churches through a revivalist and spiritual emphasis. Speakers such as Ding Li-Mei, Wang Ming-Dao, David Yang, John Sung, Watchman Nee, and Calvin Chao were active during the period between 1925 and 1949. Indigenous churches like the True Jesus Church, Jesus family Church, Zei Li Hwey and Ling En Hwey came into being. This was a most challenging era in modem Chinese Church history. The results were great. Since 1949 and the "Liberation" the Chinese church has marched on without western missionaries. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. Missiology)

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of History

余兆權. / 論文(碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部,1995. / 參考文獻: leaves 91-97. / Yu Zhaoquan. / 論文提要 --- p.III / Chapter 笫一章 --- 緒綸 --- p.1-14 / Chapter 笫一´節´ؤؤ --- 研究緣起與目的 --- p.1-2 / Chapter 笫二´節´ؤؤ --- 研究範圍與方法 --- p.2-7 / Chapter 笫三´節´ؤؤ --- 商鞅及韓非其人其書簡介 --- p.8-14 / Chapter 笫二章 --- 從《商君書》看商鞅的歷史觀 --- p.15-32 / Chapter 第一´節´ؤؤ --- 歷史三世¨®Ơ與歷史演化觀 --- p.15-19 / Chapter 笫二´節´ؤؤ --- 歷史發展根源論與國家起源論 --- p.20-22 / Chapter 第三´節´ؤؤ --- 尊古而不法古的先王觀 --- p.22-27 / Chapter 笫四´節´ؤؤ --- 因時制宜的變古觀 --- p.27-29 / Chapter 笫五´節´ؤؤ --- 利用歷史為政治工具的歷史功用論 --- p.29-31 / Chapter 笫六´節´ؤؤ --- 小結 --- p.31-32 / Chapter 笫三章 --- 從《韓非子》看韓非的歷史觀 --- p.33-58 / Chapter 笫一´節´ؤؤ --- 歷史分期¨®Ơ與歷史演化觀 --- p.33:36 / Chapter 笫二´節´ؤؤ --- 歷史發展的社會、經濟根源論 --- p.37-40 / Chapter 笫三´節´ؤؤ --- 尊古而不法古的先王觀 --- p.40-45 / Chapter 笫四´節´ؤؤ --- 因時制宜的變古觀 --- p.45-48 / Chapter 笫五´節´ؤؤ --- 反天命而重人事的聖王史觀 --- p.49-52 / Chapter 笫六´節´ؤؤ --- 制用的史學思想 --- p.53-56 / Chapter 第七´節´ؤؤ --- 小結 --- p.57-58 / Chapter 笫四章 --- 先秦法家歷史觀的特色及其研議 --- p.59-71 / Chapter 笫一´節´ؤؤ --- 先秦法家歷史觀的特色 --- p.59-63 / Chapter 第二´節´ؤؤ --- 先秦法家歷史觀研議 --- p.63-71 / Chapter 笫五章 --- 結 論 --- p.72-74 / 各章註釋 --- p.75-90 / 参考書目 --- p.91-97

Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Manuscript. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-205). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / Chapter 一、 --- 序言 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 意識形態的符号夲盾 --- p.2 / Chapter 1.2 --- 意識形態的下層建築 --- p.15 / Chapter 1.3 --- 意識形態的移植 --- p.20 / Chapter 1.4 --- 本文的问題 --- p.26 / Chapter 二、 --- 二十世紀早期知識分子的知識承继 --- p.31 / Chapter 2.1 --- 民族主義 --- p.37 / Chapter 2.2 --- 改良主義 --- p.40 / Chapter 2.3 --- 西化主義 --- p.47 / Chapter 三、 --- 馬克思主義的形成 / Chapter 一、 --- 陳独秀的思想的轉变 --- p.64 / Chapter 3.1 --- 青年的陳独秀 --- p.68 / Chapter 3.2 --- 新青年的时期 --- p.71 / Chapter 3.3 --- 陳独秀的轉向 --- p.83 / Chapter 3.4 --- 陳独秀作為一个馬克思主義者 --- p.90 / Chapter 四、 --- 馬克思主义者的形成 / Chapter 二、 --- 李大釗的思想的轉变 --- p.101 / Chapter 4.1 --- 年青时代的李大釗 --- p.102 / Chapter 4.2 --- 李大釗回中國 --- p.108 / Chapter 4.3 --- 轉变期的李大釗 --- p.118 / Chapter 4.4 --- 李大釗作為馬克思主乂者 --- p.103 / Chapter 五、 --- 中囯馬克思主義的社會根源 --- p.141 / Chapter 5.1 --- 社會地位 --- p.142 / Chapter 5.2 --- 反孔運動 --- p.146 / Chapter 5.3 --- 巴黎和会 --- p.151 / Chapter 5.4 --- 俄國革命 --- p.156 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論 --- p.181 / 參考書目 --- p.196

鄭宗義. / 論文(博士) -- 香港中文大學哲學學部, 1995. / 參考文献 : leaves 178-187. / Zheng Zongyi. / 序論一一寫在哲學與思想史之間 --- p.I / Chapter 第一章： --- 形上與形下之間的緊張´ؤ´ؤ明末王學的再省察 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：宋明儒家的形上與形下世界 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 内聖層面的緊張：玄虛而蕩與情識而肆 --- p.8 / Chapter 三、 --- 東林的救正與學風的變動 --- p.21 / Chapter 四、 --- 外王層面的緊張：儒學、亡天下與综當代之務 --- p.31 / Chapter 第二章： --- 心學系統内的救正 --- p.38 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：廣義的王學者 --- p.38 / Chapter 二、 --- 劉蕺山誠意愼獨之敎及其在思想史上的意義 --- p.42 / Chapter 三、 --- 黄宗羲一心萬殊思想的發展與完成 --- p.62 / Chapter 四、 --- 附論孫夏峰與李二曲 --- p.83 / Chapter 第三章： --- 心學系統外的救正 --- p.98 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：朱子學的再興 --- p.98 / Chapter 二、 --- 明末清初朱子學的三種型態及其消長 --- p.101 / Chapter 三、 --- 附論反宋明儒思潮 --- p.134 / Chapter 第四章： --- 明清儒學的轉型 --- p.151 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：形上心靈的萎縮 --- p.151 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世、考證與達情遂欲哲學 --- p.153 / Chapter 三、 --- 附論「實學」的實義 --- p.160 / Chapter 第五章： --- 達情遂欲哲學衡論 --- p.162 / Chapter 一、 --- 引論 --- p.162 / Chapter 二、 --- 分論一：陳乾初 --- p.165 / Chapter 三、 --- 分論二 ：戴東原 --- p.170 / 參考資料 --- p.178

胡志偉. / 論文(博士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部, 1995. / 參考文献 : 224-231. / Hu Zhiwei. / 簡 目 / Chapter (一） --- 導論 --- p.1 -15 / Chapter 1. --- 問題的提出 / Chapter 2. --- 課題範圍的選擇和理據 / Chapter 3. --- 諸家成¨®Ơ的回顧與檢討 / Chapter 4. --- 研究進路 / Chapter (二） --- 劉師培的生平 --- p.16-27 / Chapter (三） --- 劉師培早年政治思想的特色 --- p.28-42 / Chapter 1. --- 民族思想：排滿攘夷及民族帝國主義 / Chapter 2. --- 激烈主張 / Chapter 3. --- 民約觀念 / Chapter (四） --- 劉師培無政府思想的淵源 --- p.43-71 / Chapter I. --- 中國傳統 / Chapter 1. --- 道家思想 / Chapter 2. --- 禮運大同 / Chapter 3. --- 許行 / Chapter 4. --- 鮑敬言 / Chapter II. --- 域外思想 / Chapter 1. --- 日本社會主義運動的概況 / Chapter 2. --- 幸德秋水 / Chapter 3. --- 苦魯巴特金 / Chapter 4. --- 托爾斯泰 / Chapter (五） --- 劉師培革命理論的基礎：針對人爲不平等 --- p.72-83 / Chapter 1. --- 政府之於人民 / Chapter 2. --- 資本家之於傭工 / Chapter 3. --- 強種之於弱種 / Chapter 4. --- 男子之於女子 / Chapter (六） --- 劉師培的具體革命策略 --- p.84-104 / Chapter 1. --- 農人革命 / Chapter 2. --- 勞民革命 / Chapter 3. --- 農工聯合制 / Chapter 4. --- 弱種聯合以抗強種 / Chapter (七） --- 劉師培的無政府主義烏托邦：人類均力說 --- p.105-118 / Chapter (八） --- 《天義》與《新世紀》的比較 --- p.119-130 / Chapter (九） --- 劉師培旅日期間的實際政治活動 --- p.131-152 / Chapter 1. --- 社會主義講習會 / Chapter 2. --- 亞洲和親會 / Chapter 3. --- 農民疾苦調查會 / Chapter (十） --- 劉師培與同盟會分裂的原因：革命綱領的比較分析 --- p.153-172 / Chapter 1. --- 民族問題 / Chapter 2. --- 政制問題 / Chapter 3. --- 民生問題 / Chapter 4. --- 革命程序 / Chapter (十一） --- 〈劉師培與端方書〉的剖析 --- p.173-195 / Chapter 1. --- 是書發現的經過 / Chapter 2. --- 寫作日期的考定 / Chapter 3. --- 劉師培自述放棄革命原因的分析 / Chapter (十二） --- 劉師培後期的政治活動和思想 --- p.196-211 / Chapter 1. --- 流落四川 / Chapter 2. --- 籌安會及洪憲帝制 / Chapter 3. --- 北京大學 / Chapter (十三） --- 結論 --- p.212-223 / Chapter (十四） --- 參考書目 --- p.224-231