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過去學者討論僧人與國家之關係，多強調來自國家的制度規定，忽略了僧人的主觀能動性。本文則從護僧榜文出發，嘗試以自下而上的視角去探討僧人與國家的關係。此類榜文在有清一代多地出現，看似係皇帝聖旨，強調國家對僧人的優待政策，被不少僧人隨身攜帶。更有甚者，榜文被張掛、勒石記錄或刻板刷印以擴大影響。而事實上，清帝從未頒行過護僧榜文，所謂的護僧榜文是僧人為維護自身利益製造出來的。 諸多普通民眾難以判斷榜文的真假，而地方官紳大多對這類民間文本並不關心，認為其無關緊要。也有佞佛官紳利用此類榜文來鼓吹佛教，幫助維護寺廟與僧人的利益。通過對護僧榜文的研究，可以看到僧人並非只是國家規定的被動接受者，他們借用國家的名義，製造、傳播并利用符合自身利益的"國家規定"。 / Most previous research on relations between monks and the state focused on the state regulations, and ignored the monks’ subjective initiative. In Comparison, this thesis centers on the various Official Placards of Protecting Monks in the Qing dynasty and tries to discuss the relationship between monks and the state from a bottom-up perspective. Those placards, taken by not a few monks, were similar to imperial edicts in format, emphasizing the state’s amiable position toward monks. Occasionally, people posted these placards on the wall, or carved them on the stele, or printed them out, in order to expand influence. As a matter of fact, Qing emperors had never issued such a kind of edict. Therefore, the so-called Official Placards of Protecting Monks were counterfeited by certain monks for their own sakes. On the one hand, it was difficult for many commoners to tell the authenticity of these placards. On the other, the majority of local officials and elites did not bother themselves with these placards. Nevertheless, a few local elites took advantage of these very placards to promulgate Buddhism and protect monks and their temples. In sum, the Official Placard of Protecting Monks throws light on another aspect of the relationship between the state and the monks, revealing that monks were by no means passive receiver of state regulation. On the contrary, by manipulating the credit of the state, they were able to produce, spread and capitalize on the so-called "state regulations" in their own interests. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 伍金菊. / "2014年10月"--Title page. / "2014 nian 10 yue"--Title page. / Parallel title from English abstract. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-148). / Abstracts also in English. / Wu Jinju.

林國輝. / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部,1994. / 參考文獻: leaves 234-238 / Lin Guohui. / 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世思想及「經世文編」研究回顧 --- p.3 / Chapter 三、 --- 史料及硏究方法 --- p.10 / Chapter 第一章： --- 葛士濬、盛康與《皇朝經世文續編》 / Chapter ´ؤ、 --- 十九世紀後半期政治及學術思想概況 --- p.24 / Chapter 二、 --- 葛士濬的編纂動機 --- p.33 / Chapter 三、 --- 盛康的編纂動機 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二章： --- 《皇朝經世文續編》學術、治體部分作者背 景之分析 / Chapter 一、 --- 作者背景資料之量化分析 --- p.54 / Chapter 二、 --- 作者間網絡的組成與主導群體的發現 --- p.59 / Chapter 三、 --- 小結 --- p.67 / Chapter 第三章： --- 《皇朝經世文續編》「學術」部分內容析述 / Chapter 一、 --- 對帝王學術修養的關注 --- p.91 / Chapter 二、 --- 有關儒學發展及漢宋之爭的討論 --- p.95 / Chapter 三、 --- 對各種學術內容的討論 --- p.103 / Chapter 四、 --- 學術與政治的互動 --- p.113 / Chapter 五、 --- 師友之道的探求 --- p.125 / Chapter 六、 --- 小 結 --- p.130 / Chapter 第四章： --- 《皇朝經世文續編》「治體」內容析述 / Chapter 一、 --- 施政各項原則的討論 --- p.132 / Chapter 二、 --- 有關君主施政的討論 --- p.144 / Chapter 三、 --- 治法的繁簡與變法的立場 --- p.153 / Chapter 四、 --- 選拔賢才之道及用人之方法 --- p.159 / Chapter 五、 --- 臣下的職責及賢臣應具備的條件 --- p.173 / Chapter 六、 --- 各種具體的施政建議 --- p.180 / Chapter 七、 --- 小結 --- p.197 / Chapter 第五章： --- 從兩種《續編》看晚清「經世思想」之內涵 / Chapter 一、 --- 「經世思想」的具體內涵 --- p.200 / Chapter 二、 --- 從「經世文編」看「經世思想」發展的大概 --- p.209 / Chapter 三、 --- 「經世思想」在晚清的定位 --- p.214 / 結 論 --- p.230 / 參考書目 --- p.234 / 附件：《葛編》及《盛編》各部門總目 --- p.239

張志義. / 手稿本, 複本據稿本複印. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學, 1990. / Shou gao ben, fu ben ju gao ben fu yin. / Includes bibliographical references: leaves 1-59 (3rd group) / Zhang Zhiyi. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1990. / Chapter 第一章： --- 緒言 --- p.1 / （註釋） --- p.8 / Chapter 第二章； --- 東南地區佛教及寺院經濟之發展與慈善公益事業 --- p.11 / Chapter (一) --- 宋代佛教重心之南移與東南地區佛教之及發展 --- p.11 / Chapter (1) --- 漢迄五代佛教在東南地區之發展 --- p.11 / Chapter (2) --- 佛教重心之南移 --- p.24 / Chapter (3) --- 東南地區佛教之興盛與寺院慈善公益事業之關係 --- p.42 / Chapter (二) --- 東南地區寺院經濟之發達與慈善公益事業 --- p.46 / Chapter (1) --- 宋代寺院經濟之發展 --- p.46 / Chapter (2) --- 東南地區經濟之蓬勃與寺院經濟之興盛 --- p.56 / Chapter (3) --- 東南地區寺院經濟之發達與慈善公益事業之關係 --- p.63 / （註釋）　 --- p.76 / Chapter 第三章 --- 東南地區佛教寺院自發營辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.137 / Chapter (一) --- 東南地區寺院積極從事慈善公益事業之原因 --- p.140 / Chapter (1) --- 受佛教之慈悲、福田觀念影響 --- p.140 / Chapter (2) --- 禪宗流行之影響 --- p.144 / Chapter (3) --- 佛教順俗政策之影響 --- p.148 / Chapter (4) --- 佛教寺院欲藉廣種福田以結善緣 --- p.152 / Chapter (二) --- 東南地區寺院所積極從事之慈善公益事業　 --- p.158 / Chapter (1) --- 社會救濟 --- p.158 / Chapter (2) --- 地方建設 --- p.169 / Chapter (3) --- 便俗利民 --- p.179 / Chapter (4) --- 教育事業 --- p.188 / （註釋） --- p.193 / Chapter 第四章 --- 東南地區寺院與官紳合辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.280 / Chapter (一) --- 宋政府委託東南地區寺院興辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.280 / Chapter (1) --- 宋代東南地區官督寺辦慈善益事業之興起 --- p.283 / Chapter (I) --- 政府委託寺院興辦之原因　　　　　　 --- p.283 / Chapter (II) --- 寺院願意接受政府委託之原因 --- p.291 / Chapter (2) --- 宋政府委託寺院所興辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.295 / Chapter (I) --- 社會福利 --- p.295 / Chapter (II) --- 緊急救濟 --- p.302 / Chapter (III) --- 地方建設 --- p.308 / Chapter (二) --- 東南地區佛教寺院興辦的慈善公益事業與鄉紳的關係 --- p.316 / Chapter (1) --- 鄉紳支持或與寺院合辦慈善公益事業之原因 --- p.319 / Chapter (I) --- 宗教因素 --- p.319 / Chapter (II) --- 政治社會因素 --- p.324 / Chapter (2) --- 鄉紳與寺院合辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.329 / （註釋） --- p.337 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.420 / （註釋） --- p.427 / 徵引及參考書目 / 提要

by Wai-leung, Chan. / Publication date from spine. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 238-245). / Abstract / Acknowledgements / Chapter Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1 / Context --- p.1 / Methodological Foundation --- p.8 / The Significance of Culture --- p.15 / Religion as Cultural Discourse --- p.29 / Chinese Protestantism in a Cultural Perspective --- p.38 / Sources and Organization of This Study --- p.41 / Chapter Chapter II --- The Social Historical Contexts of Chinese Protestantism --- p.47 / Nationalism in Republican China --- p.47 / The Church-State Relationshipin Republican China --- p.61 / The Institution of the Chinese Protestant Church --- p.73 / Chapter Chapter III --- Discourse on the Ideal of indigenous Church --- p.81 / Introduction --- p.81 / Indigenous Church as Self- Supporting Church Organization --- p.84 / Indigenization as Transformation of Organizational Practice --- p.94 / Indigenization as an Adaption in the Chinese Culture --- p.100 / Remarks on the Discourse on the Ideal of Indigenous Church --- p.115 / Chapter Chapter IV --- Discourse on Church Institution --- p.121 / Introduction --- p.121 / Church as a Community Centre --- p.122 / Church as a United Organization --- p.131 / Church as an Apolitical Institution --- p.147 / Remarks on the Discourse on Church Institution --- p.161 / Chapter Chapter V --- Discourse on Social Morality --- p.163 / Introduction --- p.163 / The Historical Circumstances and the Problematics of Crisis --- p.168 / Protestantism as the Moral Foundation of Republican Society --- p.172 / Implication --- p.194 / Chapter Chapter VI --- Conclusion: Religion as a Cultural Discourse --- p.198 / The Understandings on the Failure of Chinese Protestantism --- p.198 / Chinese Protestantism in a Cultural Perspective --- p.202 / Epilogue --- p.216 / Appendix --- p.223 / Bibliography --- p.238

Lau, Leung Kwok Prudence. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves ). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in Chinese.

儒醫是宋以後經過醫學文本訓練的，男性醫者的，文化認同/角色/定位。道醫、巫醫和女性醫者等其他醫者漸成為邊緣他者。儒醫宣稱比其他醫療實踐者更加深諳醫學經典、更加理性。儒醫攀附儒自居，模仿理學門戶互相攻訐，有學派之分。元代婺州朱震亨，「丹溪學派」的創始者，是明代儒醫的典範。本文將以朱震亨和「丹溪學派」為個案，一方面探討儒醫如何建構醫學身體、疾病觀念及其實踐，另一方面探討「丹溪學派」的思想和社會史。 / 第一、二、三章分別從三個角度探討元明儒醫的身體觀。首先，在強烈的「南人」認同之下，元代江浙的士人強調「南/北」身體的差異，「北醫」的療法不適合「南人」的身體，朱震亨被塑造為「南醫」的典範。其次，自劉完素以後，「火」不是日常生活中的火熱之氣，也不是推算運氣的術語，成為元明醫家對身體疾病的想像。據此，朱震亨提出「陽有餘而陰不足」的身體觀，是明代「丹溪學派」遵守的教條。第三，鬼神病因漸漸從儒醫的身體觀中淡出。道教醫學中的「傳尸勞瘵」，混雜了鬼邪和血氣病因，宋元儒醫卻劃分血氣「虛勞」和鬼邪「勞瘵」的界線。朱震亨將「勞瘵」解釋為「陰不足」病。追隨丹溪之後，虞摶病人見鬼實際上是「心神不寧」，清醫吳瑭認為「祝由科」是巫術，儒醫無法容忍鬼邪病因和儀式療法。 / 第四、五章討論儒醫多樣化的實踐。在臨床實踐中如何治療「陰不足」病，「丹溪學派」並不一致，王綸提倡的「補陰丸」在明代江浙醫者的實踐中廣受歡迎，但來自學派內部嚴厲的批評聲同時存在。明代醫家認為唐宋方書治「勞瘵」的天靈蓋「殘忍」，但紫河車卻是明代常用的治療「勞瘵」藥物。儒醫反對儀式療法，但某些驅除鬼邪的針灸療法，改頭換面依然留存在醫學實踐中，比如「秦承祖灸鬼法」。 / 第六、七章指出，從朱震亨到「丹溪學派」，是元代婺州地方士人建設宗族組織、講習理學、建構地方認同背景之下的社會史，也是蘇州城市醫者專業化、組織化的結果。元明政權更迭之後，「丹溪」弟子進入太醫院，依靠政治權威提升「丹溪」的醫學地位。1450年代以後「丹溪」成為商業書坊的暢銷本，注重師承關係的學派逐漸消解，「丹溪」成為大眾通俗的醫學入門文本作者。清代，考據醫學「丹溪」為通俗庸醫，「丹溪」不再是醫者撰寫醫書、醫療實踐的必引權威。 / This thesis aims to explain how Confucian physicians (儒醫) constructed the medical thoughts and practice. A Confucian physician is supposed to be a well-educated gentleman (儒) and a master of the medical classics. From the 12th century on, Confucian physicians gradually became a new identity of the orthodox doctors, while the Taoists, shamans, midwives and surgical practitioners all became the “others. At the same time, among the Confucian Physicians, different schools appeared. The Danxi School (丹溪學派) was a group of disciples following Zhu Zhenheng (朱震亨1282-1358) from the 14th to 15th centuries in Jiangnan (江南) . Zhu was a gentleman from Wuzhou, who was treated as an ideal model of “Confucian physicians through the whole Ming dynasty. / The first three chapters focus on the medical thoughts of Confucian phycians. Chapter One studies on the body of the “Southerners (南人). People living in the territory of Southern Song identified themselves as the “Southerners. This identity was strengthened by the unequal racial policy under the Mongol reign. It motivated the Jiangnan literati to appeal for a medical knowledge body specifically for the “Southerners, which would focus on treating the ailments caused by the “southern environment and dietary habits. Chapter Two explores the concept of “fire. In the Song dynasty, “fire is an element of the prevalent cosmological theory of “the five circulatory phases and the six seasonal influences (五運六氣) . However, in Liu Wansu (劉完素1132-1208) ’s innovative interpretation, the concept of “fire was internalized into the body structure. Zhu Zhenheng inherited this concept of bodily “fire and developed the theory of “yang is always in excess, yin is always deficient (陽有餘而陰不足) , which was later strictly followed by the Danxi School. Chapter Three investigates the disease of “laozhai (勞瘵) . According to the Taoist interpretation, the disease of “laozhai was due to the ancestor’s sin. However, Confucian physicians developed a new meaning in the context of Danxi’s “yin is deficient body. Demons were gradually excluded from the etiology of the Danxi School. / Chapter Four and Five study on the practice of Confucian physicians. The Danxi School didn’t have consensus on how to treat the “yin is deficient disease. Therefore, the therapy of “nourishing yin (滋陰) was quite differential in individual practices. However, it is certain that Confucian physicians tended to use herbs to treat patients who declared themselves suffering from demons. Religious rituals of expelling demons were excluded from their clinical practice. However, Confucian physicians didn’t refuse to use some unusual herbal remedies such as the placenta, or moxibustion that might function as Taoist rituals of expelling demons. / Chapter Six and Seven analyze the rise and fall of the Danxi School. The reason why Zhu became a powerful medical master lies not only in his medical thoughts or skills but in his social activities. He was very active in the lineage organization and local administration. In the local society, Zhu gained the power and fame as an authoritative Confucian gentleman, though he had never received any governmental position. After the death of Zhu, his disciples achieved successful careers as professional doctors in Suzhou (蘇州) . Later when the Ming Empire was established in Nanjing, most of Danxi’s disciples went into the Imperial Medical Service (太醫院) . After the 1450s, Zhu Zhenheng became a best-selling author and a symbol of the popular medicine. The popularity of his works eventually destroyed the structure of the master-disciple relationship in the Danxi School. The Danxi School gradually disappeared. In the end, because the mid-Qing physicians preferred ancient masters such as Zhang Zhongjing (張仲景 fl. 168-196) to the modern, vulgar Danxi, the Danxi School and their medical master faded away from the mainstream medicine. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 張學謙. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 197-217). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhang Xueqian. / 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 儒醫：宋元明清醫者的身份認同 --- p.2 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫的理性與實踐 --- p.6 / Chapter 三、 --- 丹溪學派：醫學思想的社會史 --- p.11 / Chapter 四、 --- 研究說明 --- p.16 / Chapter 第一章 --- 元代醫學的「南/北」身體觀 --- p.18 / Chapter 一、 --- 南宋和元：「南人」認同的多層含義 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、 --- 「南/北」身體觀論述 --- p.24 / Chapter 三、 --- 製造「南醫」/「北醫」 --- p.32 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二章 --- 丹溪學派的口號：「陽有餘而陰不足」的身體觀 --- p.40 / Chapter 一、 --- 五運六氣與宋人的身體觀 --- p.40 / Chapter 二、 --- 內丹對醫學身體觀的影響 --- p.46 / Chapter 三、 --- 朱震亨的相火論 --- p.50 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.59 / Chapter 第三章 --- 宋明儒醫的「理性化」：以「勞瘵」為中心 --- p.60 / Chapter 一、 --- 《道藏》文本中「勞瘵」的界定 --- p.62 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫文本中「勞瘵」的界定 --- p.68 / Chapter 三、 --- 儒醫「勞瘵」與明代社會身體 --- p.73 / Chapter 四、 --- 明代儒醫對「祝由」的困惑 --- p.77 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.85 / Chapter 第四章 --- 「陰虛」病與療法 --- p.87 / Chapter 一、 --- 丹溪「陰虛」病及療法 --- p.87 / Chapter 二、 --- 補陰丸與人參之爭 --- p.93 / Chapter 三、 --- 薛己、趙獻可：從補陰血到補陰精 --- p.99 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.103 / Chapter 第五章 --- 儒醫的實踐 --- p.105 / Chapter 一、 --- 道醫「追蟲」儀式 --- p.105 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫勞瘵療法 --- p.108 / Chapter 三、 --- 天靈蓋與紫河車在明代醫學中的不同遭遇 --- p.113 / Chapter 四、 --- 從「秦承祖灸鬼法」到「灸鬼哭穴」 --- p.121 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.125 / Chapter 第六章 --- 從朱震亨到「丹溪學派」的社會史 --- p.126 / Chapter 一、 --- 朱震亨的出身與赤岸朱氏宗族的建構 --- p.129 / Chapter 二、 --- 「儒醫」朱震亨與地方社會 --- p.136 / Chapter （一） --- 朱震亨之行醫 --- p.137 / Chapter （二） --- 朱震亨之醫療產業 --- p.140 / Chapter （三） --- 朱震亨在地方社會的角色 --- p.142 / Chapter 三、 --- 元代婺州的「丹溪」門徒 --- p.147 / Chapter （一） --- 地方醫療資源與組織 --- p.147 / Chapter （二） --- 婺州地方士族的網絡 --- p.151 / Chapter 四、 --- 元末蘇州的「丹溪」門徒 --- p.155 / Chapter 五、 --- 明代太醫院的「丹溪」門徒（1368-1450） --- p.162 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論： --- p.166 / Chapter 第七章 --- 「丹溪」的大眾化與清代醫學的轉折 --- p.167 / Chapter 一、 --- 「丹溪」文本的製造與流傳 --- p.168 / Chapter （一） --- 「丹溪」文本的製造 --- p.168 / Chapter （二） --- 「丹溪」文本的印刷與晚明私人的商業書坊 --- p.178 / Chapter 二、 --- 「丹溪」權威的下降 --- p.183 / Chapter （一） --- 明清醫者對「南/北」身體觀、療法的不同意見 --- p.184 / Chapter （二） --- 「陰不足」到「命門火衰」 --- p.186 / Chapter （三） --- 考據醫學之批評「丹溪」 --- p.188 / Chapter 三、 --- 結論 --- p.192 / 結論 --- p.193 / 參考書目 --- p.197 / Chapter 一、 --- 一手文獻 --- p.197 / Chapter (一) --- 醫書 --- p.197 / Chapter (二) --- 正史 --- p.200 / Chapter (三) --- 文集 --- p.201 / Chapter (四) --- 地方志和家譜 --- p.203 / Chapter (五) --- 筆記和其他： --- p.204 / Chapter 二、 --- 工具書： --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 近人研究： --- p.207 / Chapter (一) --- 中文專書 --- p.207 / Chapter (二) --- 英文專書 --- p.209 / Chapter (三) --- 中文論文 --- p.212 / Chapter (四) --- 英文論文 --- p.214