Ng Chin Pang. / Thesis (M.Div.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-91). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgments --- p.i / Abstract --- p.iii / Chapter Chapter1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter2 --- Theories on Sex and the Emergence of Sexual Identity --- p.4 / Chapter 2.1 --- "Origins and Development on the Concept of Sex in the ""Western"" World" / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Augustine's Notion on Sexual Desire / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Protestant Theology of Sex / Chapter 2.1.3 --- "Emergence of ""Western"" Sexual Identity" / Chapter 2.2 --- The Concept of Sexual Desire in China / Chapter 2.2.1 --- The Discourse of Sexual Desire in Late Imperial China / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Transformation of Sexual Identity in Modern China: Male Homosexuality as the Verdict / Chapter Chapter3 --- Queer Theory- a Post-colonial Perspective --- p.38 / Chapter 3.1 --- Postcolonial Theory as a source of Theology Discourse / Chapter 3.1.1 --- From Colonialism to Post-colonialism / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Building a Hybridized Sexual Ethics / Chapter 3.2 --- Queer Theory as a Source of Theology Discourse / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Queer Theory and Queer Politics / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Queering the Socially Constructed Sexual Identities / Chapter Chapter4 --- A Post-colonial Sexual Theology --- p.59 / Chapter 4.1 --- The Modes of Discourse / Chapter 4.1.1 --- Transgressive Metaphors / Chapter 4.1.2 --- Hybrid Sexual Theologies / Chapter 4.2 --- A New Framework about Sexual Desire / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Building our Relations in Erotic Desire / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Beyond Sexuality and Spirituality Dichotomy / Chapter 4.3 --- Conclusion: Building an Inclusive Community / Bibliography --- p.85

何翰庭 = The life and thought of Liu Liang-mo, a Pro-Communist Christian / Ho Hon-ting Johnson. / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 105-119. / 中英文摘要. / He Hanting = The life and thought of Liu Liang-mo, a Pro-Communist Christian / Ho Hon-ting Johnson. / 論文撮要 --- p.ii / 鳴謝 --- p.iii / Chapter 第一章´Ø --- 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一´Ø --- 硏究動機 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 硏究回顧略述 / Chapter 三´Ø --- 參考資料與硏究方法 / Chapter 第二章´Ø --- 劉良模的生平略述 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三章´Ø --- 劉良模的救國思想 --- p.23 / Chapter 一´Ø --- 引言 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 劉良模早期的改良思想 / Chapter 三´Ø --- 對共產黨的認識和支持 / Chapter 四´Ø --- 留美九年的經歷 / Chapter 五´Ø --- 小結 / Chapter 第四章´Ø --- 劉良模的教會改造思想 --- p.57 / Chapter 一´Ø --- 引言 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 中共建國前中國基督徒對政治的態度 / Chapter 三´Ø --- 劉良模對新中國的認同 / Chapter 四´Ø --- 劉良模的三自改造思想 / Chapter 五´Ø --- 劉良模與基督教的改造 / Chapter 六´Ø --- 劉良模的「基督教思想」 / Chapter 七´Ø --- 小結 / Chapter 第五章´Ø --- 總結 --- p.99 / Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 「紅色基督徒」在新政權中的作用 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 宗教信仰對劉良模的意義 / 參考資料 --- p.105 / 附錄 --- p.120 / 劉良模的生平照片 / 民眾歌詠會情況 / 三十年代基督教青年會舊址現貌 / 美國賓夕凡尼亞大學圖書館檔案部回覆筆者信函：關於劉良模的檔案

本文以明初官定程朱理學讀本《四書五經性理大全》的成書和思想反應為中心，旨在探討朱子學在14、15世紀流衍、官學化乃至自我更新的過程。作為士人參加科舉考試的必讀之書，《四書五經性理大全》原則上締造著明代士人的思維結構乃至行事方式，成為他們為學從政的依據和根基。全文主要分為三個部份：第一部份重點討論此書萌生於14世紀的主要學術背景，指出它是在元代浙江、江西、徽州三地朱子學並競發展的多元化局面中醞釀而生的。第二部份首先檢討了明初洪武、永樂兩朝帝王一脈相承卻又有不同的理學取態。同樣尊信理學可以幫助治國，太祖樂於以務實態度來修正和完善朱子學並顯現出他淩駕於道統的情形，而明成祖則將程朱理學視作其政權合法性的依據進而操縱了儒家道統，《大全》正是在明初政治文化微妙而重大轉變中應運而生的。本文接著考察了《大全》的編纂、取材與影響，從中指出編纂地選在北京對成祖遷都部署的配合作用，並分析《大全》內容取材的地域特色，及此特色所受敕撰要求、書籍流通、人事安排等因素的影響；統計其刊行情況以證實《大全》地位在有明一代從未被動搖，在晚明乃至成為商業出版中有利可圖的公共文化資源的情形。本文第三部份重點以15世紀持續出現的多種《大全》反應性著作為分析對象，從中觀察《大全》被作為舉業的讀本、行道的載體、救正時弊乃至變革士人思想的必由取徑，而在地方學官、著名儒者以及土木之變後學者型官員中引發的激烈迴響和對其批評、質疑、修正的相應行動。透過這些討論，本文期望檢討14世紀朱子後學的多元化發展與並競局面、明初帝王的理學取態對於明初理學的官學化進程的實際影響，以及15世紀的菁英士大夫如何運用“統一“後的理學學說來應對現實危機與朱子學發展困境等議題。 / This dissertation studies the formation of and intellectual responses to the Sishu Wujing Xingli Daquan( Great Compendia of the Four Books, Five Classics and Human Nature and Heavenly Principle), which were compiled in the Yongle period (1403-1424), in the context of the spreading and self renewal of Zhu Xi’s philosophical school in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As must-read books for the imperial examinations, the Compendia affected Ming scholars’ mode of thinking and their way of doing things. They also formed the basis of their classical learning and political participation. / The study begins with an analysis of the intellectual background of the Compendia in the fourteenth century. It points out that there were three types of development and competition patterns of Yüan Neo-Confucianism in Zhejiang, Jiangxi and Huizhou. / The research then reviews the important changes of attitude from the Hongwu emperor to the Yongle emperor towards Neo-Confucianism. Although both emperors believed that Neo-Confucianism could help them better govern the country, the Hongwu emperor was keen to see revisions of Zhu Xi’s classical exegesis. To meet his realistic needs he even ignored the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. The Yongle emperor, however, used Neo-Confucianism as the basis of his political legitimacy and thus manipulated the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. / This study also discusses the process of compilation, selection of material and Ming editions of the Compendia. It finds that the whole set was compiled in Beijing to parallel the policy of moving the capital from Nanjing to Beijing. It points out that the Compendia are mainly based on the works written by Yüan scholars from Huizhou prefecture, and for a number of reasons: requirement of the Yongle emperor, good circulation of books or classical commentary in late Yüan and early Ming Huizhou area, and arrangement of the editorial personnel. Finally, I analyze the editions of the Compendia published throughout the Ming dynasty to show the reception of them and to confirm its popularity in commercial publishing in the late Ming period. / By focusing on the views of scholars in the fifteenth Century who wrote their books in response to the Compendia, I show how school teachers, Confucian thinkers, and scholar-officials after the Tu-mu incident of 1449 saw the Compendia as teaching materials, vehicle for driving daoxue learning, a way to solve the problems of their times, but also subjected them to criticism, questioning and revision. / This then reveals the influence of the state-sanctioned Cheng-Zhu of Neo-Confucianism and its decline in the course of 14th and 15th centuries. The challenges the school faced in the 15th century formed the background of the marked shift to another approach of Confucian learning in the next century best represented by Wang Yangming. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 朱冶. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 275-293). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhu Ye. / 目錄 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.5 / Chapter 一、 --- 元代朱子學研究的回顧與展望 --- p.6 / Chapter 二、 --- 明初政治文化與《大全》研究 --- p.11 / Chapter 三、 --- 十五世紀思想史的研究路向 --- p.16 / Chapter 四、 --- 論文結構 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二章 --- 多元並競：元代南方三地朱子學的推廣與認受 --- p.21 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學術譜系的建構與強化以金華吳師道為例 --- p.22 / Chapter 一、 --- 鄉里傳統：“金華四先生“的成立 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、 --- 師友淵源：吳師道與“金華四先生“之一許謙的交往 --- p.25 / Chapter 三、 --- 求助於官：吳師道推廣金華學術的努力 --- p.31 / Chapter 四、 --- “獨得其宗：吳師道對金華學統的強烈自認 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二節 --- 學問自得與道統傳遞以江西虞集為中心 --- p.41 / Chapter 一、 --- 期為“豪傑“：虞集之師吳澄的學術面向與道學承創 --- p.42 / Chapter 二、 --- 文名之外：虞集的理學身份與學問趨向 --- p.51 / Chapter 三、 --- 誰是正學？：虞集拒絶撰寫許謙墓銘的由來及其相關問題 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三節 --- 一宗朱子與著述傳道以新安汪克寬等人為例 --- p.66 / Chapter 一、 --- 羽翼與纂釋：新安朱子學的特色及其影響 --- p.66 / Chapter 二、 --- 挫折與執著：汪克寬的為學、著述及與虞集的學術分野 --- p.80 / Chapter 三、 --- 反思與開新：朱升各經《旁注》的撰作及用意 --- p.87 / 小結 --- p.96 / Chapter 第三章 --- 君師治教：明初洪武、永樂兩朝對待宋元理學的取態 --- p.98 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學以輔政：太祖敕修《書傳會選》的用意及影響 --- p.99 / Chapter 一、 --- 太祖修訂蔡《傳》的背景及用意 --- p.100 / Chapter 二、 --- 《書傳會選》的編纂及內容特色 --- p.107 / Chapter 三、 --- 《書傳會選》的有限影響：以永樂二年的廷試對策為中心 --- p.111 / Chapter 第二節 --- 道治天下：成祖治國理念的演進以《聖學心法》為中心 --- p.114 / Chapter 一、 --- 學在皇家：成祖與帝王教育 --- p.115 / Chapter 二、 --- 治平有道：成祖與《聖學心法》 --- p.116 / Chapter 三、 --- 道在六經：成祖與三部《大全》 --- p.135 / 小結 --- p.145 / Chapter 第四章 --- 垂世立教：《大全》的編纂、取材及其流傳 --- p.147 / Chapter 第一節 --- 纂修地點與編修人員、分工特色 --- p.147 / Chapter 一、 --- 北京：纂修地的安排及用意 --- p.147 / Chapter 二、 --- 人員任用與分工 --- p.151 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《四書五經大全》的內容取材及成因 --- p.161 / Chapter 一、 --- 《大全》的體例、性質與取材的關係 --- p.163 / Chapter 二、 --- 《大全》所選書籍在明初的影響 --- p.165 / Chapter 三、 --- 人事因素與《大全》取材 --- p.172 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《大全》在明代的刊行與流傳 --- p.174 / Chapter 一、 --- 刊行歷史概說 --- p.175 / Chapter 二、 --- 校訂本 --- p.176 / Chapter 三、 --- 增補本、合刊本 --- p.177 / 小結 --- p.178 / Chapter 第五章 --- 十五世紀士人對《大全》的反應及其意義 --- p.181 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方學官：最初的反應 --- p.181 / Chapter 一、 --- 摘取切要：彭勗及其《書傳大全通釋》 --- p.182 / Chapter 二、 --- “不可泥也：陳璲等人之意見 --- p.185 / Chapter 第二節 --- 儒者的取態：薛瑄及其《讀書錄》 --- p.187 / Chapter 一、 --- 《性理大全》：《讀書錄》的主要閱讀對象 --- p.187 / Chapter 二、 --- 《讀書錄》對《四書五經大全》的具體意見 --- p.190 / Chapter 第三節 --- “一道德與“經世：十五世紀中後期學者型官員對《大全》的修正 --- p.195 / Chapter 一、 --- 理事之道：楊守陳及其《私抄》 --- p.197 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世面向：周洪謨及其《疑辨錄》 --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 以心考之：王恕及其《石渠意見》 --- p.226 / Chapter 四、 --- 輔翼之書：蔡清及其《蒙引》諸書 --- p.235 / 小結 --- p.259 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.261 / Chapter 附錄一： --- 《四書五經性理大全》的明代版本 --- p.266 / 參考文獻 --- p.275

黎必信. / "2012年3月". / "2012 nian 3 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 355-368). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Li Bixin.

杜甫詩是中國古典文學的經典，其經典地位奠定於有宋一代。本文以宋代詩話為考察對象，分析文學批評和杜詩經典化的關係，主要內容如下： / 首先，本文將討論文壇領袖對杜詩的讚賞，如何演化為整個文壇的普遍觀念。文中指出蘇軾和黃庭堅是杜詩的發明者，二人對杜詩的評價，得到宋詩話的熱烈回應，意義不斷得到擴展和深化，由個人詮釋演化為宋人的集體認知，從而確立了杜詩的典範性。蘇軾「一飯未嘗忘君」的評語，經由詩話的討論和闡釋，最終令杜詩得「詩中六經」的評價。黃庭堅「無一字無來處」的評語，也促使詩話研究杜詩出處和用事手法蔚為風氣，不僅確立了杜甫好用事的特徵，也使杜詩成為宋詩風格的模範。 / 其次，本文探討宋代政治和文化背景對宋人接受杜甫的影響。在「李杜優劣」此一議題上，杜詩得到凌駕李白的地位，批評家看重詩歌內容的社會意義多於藝術性，反映唐宋人期待視野的轉移。宋人對杜甫「詩史」的讚譽，也與宋型文化和南宋戰禍連年有密切關係。宋詩話特別重視杜甫和安史之亂有關的詩作，因為安史之亂與宋代歷史背景有不少相似之處，宋人藉著詮釋杜詩的義理，投射了對胡人的痛恨、戰亂中的自傷之情和淑世理想。宋人憑藉認同杜甫，達至自我認同；通過詮釋杜詩，而完成自我呈現。杜甫在安史之亂中的遭遇，使他成了盛唐詩人中最能引發宋人共鳴者，也為宋人的詮釋提供了前提。宋詩話慣以比興和用事手法解釋杜詩，也使杜詩的詮釋空間擴大，更能貼合宋人的情感寄託。 / 此外，本文就宋詩話的本質和批評形式，如何在一定程度上掌握文學經典化的權力進行探討。詩話是新興於宋的詩歌批評形式，「摘句批評」和「論詩辨體」是其慣用的表達方式。在詩話的批評形式下，宋詩話出現了以杜詩為中心的價值取向：評估杜詩的價值，展示杜詩的多元性，樹立杜詩的正統意義，確立杜詩較他人優勝的觀念，凸顯學杜之必要。詩話的批評形式確立了杜詩經典化的重要價值，又憑藉詩話的詩法指導功能，規範了時人的價值判斷和創作。 / 最後，本文考察杜甫在宋代唐宋詩之爭的詩統建構中所處的位置。「宋詩」詩統藉著「一祖三宗」的論述，加強和杜甫的連繫，鞏固自身的正統地位。「唐詩」詩統同樣以杜甫為正統，其論述反而著重否定「宋詩」和杜甫的關係。唐、宋詩同樣以杜甫為正統，使杜詩超然於後世受唐宋詩之爭，對杜詩經典價值的延續有深刻意義。 / Since its inception in the Song Dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 ’s poetry has been firmly regarded as a canon in the field of classical Chinese Literature. The process of which, however, has not been clearly examined. Based on Song Dynasty’s Remarks on Poetry 詩話, this thesis is devoted to analyzing the relationship between literary criticism and canonization of Du’s poems. / First, this thesis discusses how literary leaders’ commendation on Du’s poetry has become the general view of the Song literati. It particularly highlighted the evaluations of Du’s poems from Su Shi 蘇軾 and Huang Ting-jian 黃庭堅. Their comments were widely quoted and re-interpreted by subsequent authors of Remarks on Poetry, which confirmed and reinforced the importance of Su and Huan’s thoughts. The transition from Su and Huang’s personal interpretation to becoming a widely-held view amongst the literati, affirmed the canonical status of Du’s poetry. Through discussion and interpretation by Remarks on Poetry, Su’s comments on Du Fu as “a ever-loyal official 一飯未嘗忘君 contributed to the commendation on the Du’s poems as “Six works of the Confucian Canon in poetry 詩中六經. Huang commented Du’s poetry as “not a single word [in them] does not have its sources 無一字無來處. This promoted a more in-depth study into the origins of Du’s habitual use of allusions. This not only reaffirmed the intense use of allusions as one of the characteristics of Du’s works but also as the model of Song-styled poetry. / Second, this thesis investigates the impact of Song politics and cultures on the Song people’s reception of Du’s poetry. When comparing Li Bai to Du Fu, Du’s works were have consistently received a higher ranking as commentators often value social meanings more than artistic value. This demonstrates a shift in value system from Tang to that of Song dynasty. The Song people’s acclamation of Du as Shishi 詩史 was related to Song culture and the prolonged war in the Southern Song. Remarks on Poetry paid special attention to Du’s works related to An Lu-shan rebellion as this rebellion shared similarities with Song history. In Remarks on Poetry’s interpretation of Du’s poems, it reflected the Song people’s grievance towards foreign tribes and warfare. By agreeing with Du Fu, the Song people can develop its self-identity; through interpreting Du’s poetry, they can self-actualize. Du Fu’s encounter during the An Lu-shan rebellion made him well-received by the Song literati, and gave them the premise for interpretation of Du’s poems. Remarks on Poetry adopted an analogical way of expression, bixiang 比興, and allusion to study Du’s works and this provided more perspectives for interpretation and space for emotional sustenance. / Third, this thesis investigates the nature and format of Remarks on Poetry, and why it remains authoritative in literary canonization, despite its apparent arbitrary nature. Remarks on Poetry was a new form of poetry criticism in Song Dynasty. “Commentaries on isolated sentences drawn out from poems, zheju piping 摘句批評, and “Discussion on poetic form distinction, lunshi bianti 論詩辨體, are its usual presentation. Under this new style of critique, Remarks on Poetry developed a kind of value judgment with Du’s poetry as its basis: evaluating the value of Du’s poetry, demonstrating the diversity of his works, establishing an orthodox meaning for his poems, reinforcing the concept of higher ranking of his poems, and highlighting the importance of studying Du’s works. Such a style reinforced the canonical value of Du’s poetry. Coupled by the Remarks on Poetry’s nature as an authoritative reference text it defined the value system of those times and dictated the way in which literary works are to be made. / Fourth, this thesis puts Du Fu squarely in the conflict between Tang-styled and Song-styled poetry. Based on the theory “one ancestor and three predecessor, yizu sanzong 一祖三宗 , the Song-styled poetry strengthened its connection with Du Fu and reinforced its orthodoxy. The Tang-styled poetry also set Du Fu as its role-model but its discourse emphasized disconnecting Du’ works with the Song-styled poetry. Despite the conflict between the Tang-styled and Song-styled poetry, Du’s works were still highly recognized as an orthodox example by both groups and this contributed immensely to the continued canonical status of Du’s poetry. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 朱寳盈. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 230-241) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhu Baoying. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 杜甫詩的經典化 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 唐或宋？杜詩經典地位的確立 --- p.2 / Chapter 二、 --- 杜詩經典化的幾個思考重點 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 前人研究成果與本文討論重點 --- p.8 / Chapter 一、 --- 前人研究成果 --- p.8 / Chapter （一） --- 整理杜詩在宋代流傳概況和資料 --- p.9 / Chapter （二） --- 指出杜甫「儒家思想」很大程度出於宋人建構 --- p.10 / Chapter （三） --- 從唐宋文化的差別辨析唐宋人論杜 --- p.11 / Chapter （四） --- 以接受美學觀念分析宋代杜詩學 --- p.12 / Chapter （五） --- 分析杜甫對宋詩風格的典範作用 --- p.13 / Chapter 二、 --- 本文討論重點 --- p.14 / Chapter （一） --- 以「經典化」為研究視野分析宋代杜詩學 --- p.14 / Chapter （二） --- 重視「眾人」的意見 --- p.15 / Chapter （三） --- 關注「詩話」的作用 --- p.16 / Chapter （四） --- 探析「詩史」與宋型文化關係 --- p.17 / Chapter （五） --- 論析唐宋詩之爭對杜詩地位的影響 --- p.18 / Chapter 第三節 --- 研究目的及方向 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二章 --- 從個人詮釋到集體認知： 宋代詩話對蘇、黃評杜的回應與杜詩經典化 --- p.22 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.22 / Chapter 第二節 --- 宋初詩話「論杜」 --- p.23 / Chapter 一、 --- 北宋初年詩壇非尊杜 --- p.23 / Chapter 二、 --- 對杜詩藝術的評價 --- p.28 / Chapter 三、 --- 小結 --- p.30 / Chapter 第三節 --- 杜詩價值的發明 --- p.30 / Chapter 一、 --- 宋人眼中的杜詩發明者 --- p.30 / Chapter 二、 --- 宋詩話回應蘇、黃評杜的三種模式 --- p.34 / Chapter 第四節 --- 蘇、黃論杜與杜詩的經典化 --- p.42 / Chapter 一、 --- 從「一飯未嘗忘君」到「詩中六經」 --- p.43 / Chapter 二、 --- 從「無一字無來處」到「江西詩派」 --- p.50 / Chapter 第五節 --- 結語 --- p.56 / Chapter 第三章 --- 時代的制約：論宋人的期待視野與歷史感懷 --- p.58 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.58 / Chapter 第二節 --- 雙重標準的李杜優劣論期待視野的轉移 --- p.59 / Chapter 一、 --- 宋人對李杜優劣論的回應與再發展 --- p.60 / Chapter （一） --- 回應元稹、韓愈之論：李杜並尊 --- p.60 / Chapter （二） --- 李杜優劣論的再發展：獨尊老杜 --- p.65 / Chapter 二、 --- 宋人品次李杜的兩個標準 --- p.68 / Chapter 三、 --- 小結：期待視野的轉移 --- p.78 / Chapter 第三節 --- 自我認同與呈現--安史之亂與宋人的「詩史杜甫」 --- p.79 / Chapter 一、 --- 宋詩話與杜甫「安史詩」 --- p.79 / Chapter 二、 --- 安史之亂與宋人的歷史感懷 --- p.90 / Chapter 三、 --- 杜甫「安史詩」詮釋的先決條件與詮釋空間的擴大 --- p.109 / Chapter （一） --- 詮釋的先決條件 --- p.110 / Chapter （二） --- 詮釋空間的擴大 --- p.116 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語：宋人的「詩史」杜甫 --- p.124 / Chapter 第四章 --- 典範意義的產生：詩話的詩法指導作用與杜詩價值的確立 --- p.127 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.127 / Chapter 第二節 --- 綜述：在詩話批評形式下的評杜現象 --- p.128 / Chapter 一、 --- 廣泛的討論和援引為證 --- p.128 / Chapter 二、 --- 同時摘取杜甫與他人詩句 --- p.133 / Chapter （一） --- 說明杜詩的出處 --- p.133 / Chapter （二） --- 強調後世詩人於杜詩的學習 --- p.135 / Chapter （三） --- 同類並舉 --- p.137 / Chapter 三、 --- 論詩辨體與杜詩 --- p.143 / Chapter 四、 --- 小結：宋人開創的評杜現象 --- p.149 / Chapter 第三節 --- 現象背後的意義 --- p.152 / Chapter 一、 --- 以摘句褒貶直接賦予價值 --- p.152 / Chapter 二、 --- 展現杜詩審美價值的多元性 --- p.156 / Chapter 三、 --- 杜詩的正統意義塑造 --- p.161 / Chapter 四、 --- 確立杜詩較他人優勝的觀念 --- p.166 / Chapter 五、 --- 凸顯學杜的必要 --- p.170 / Chapter 六、 --- 小結：以杜詩為中心的價值取向 --- p.177 / Chapter 第四節 --- 詩話的功用與典範意義的確立 --- p.178 / Chapter 第五節 --- 結語 --- p.186 / Chapter 第五章 --- 唐宋詩之爭與杜甫：論詩統建構與杜詩經典價值的延續 --- p.189 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.189 / Chapter 第二節 --- 「唐詩」、「宋詩」的詩統建構與杜甫 --- p.190 / Chapter 一、 --- 「唐詩」與「宋詩」 --- p.190 / Chapter 二、 --- 「宋詩」的詩統建構與杜甫 --- p.194 / Chapter 三、 --- 「唐詩」的詩統建構與杜甫 --- p.203 / Chapter 四、 --- 小結：以杜甫為「正統」的詩統建構 --- p.213 / Chapter 第三節 --- 經典價值的延續：超然於唐宋詩之爭中的正統地位 --- p.215 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.221 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.224 / Chapter 第一節 --- 總結 --- p.224 / Chapter 第二節 --- 餘論 --- p.229 / 主要參考書目 --- p.230

本論文選取畫家符羅飛（1897-1971）進行研究，旨在通過文字及圖像史料復原這一被視作“歷史失蹤者的藝術家個案，並將其放在20 世紀中國藝術與革命互動關係的語境中進行考察。文章依據時序及符羅飛活動地點與内容的變化，分爲五個章節，結合文獻考據、視覺分析及藝術社會學等研究方法，分別探討他於20 世紀20 至60 年代在上海、意大利、香港及華南等地的藝術創作與社會活動，並著重觀察這位以藝術積極投入社會革命、且擁有明確政治信仰的畫家及其代表的群體，是如何通過主動轉變藝術面貌，從而與20 世紀中國社會的大變動連成一體。本文認爲：符羅飛於抗戰期間攜傾向古典寫實的那不勒斯畫派畫風及自創的水墨寫生歸國，但其藝術救國活動最初並未達至理想效果；直到40 年代中期才在通過不斷地寫生、辦展，逐漸吸收國統區漫畫與木刻中流行的德國表現主義元素，脫胎出具有強烈視覺刺激和道德感召力、又符合中共革命訴求的代表性藝術面貌，在特定的政治人群中得到廣泛承認，在此過程中輿論因素的影響不可忽視；同時，他的彩墨實驗等游離於政治目標之外的藝術活動打破了“革命畫家"的刻板印象；而他在政權鼎革後因未能適應高度一元化的藝壇新秩序而湮沒於混亂時世的最終命運，又折射出五四以來自由知識分子傳統與中共黨文化之間不可調和的矛盾。 / This thesis is a monographic study on the artist Fu Luofei (1897-1971), aiming to reconstruct his life and art with textual and visual historical materials, with focus on the interaction between art and revolution in the twentieth-century China. The five chapters of this thesis examine Fu’s artistic and social activities in Shanghai, Italy, Hong Kong and South China from the 1920s to 1960s chronologically, and mainly investigate how this artist, who had definite political belief and was willing to devote his art to social revolution, involved in and acted on the transformation of Chinese society in the twentieth century through continuously transforming his artistic styles. / As this study demonstrates, Fu brought back from Italy the representational painting style of the Neapolitan School and the achievement of his ink experiment in the late 1930s. However, his attempt on “saving the nation by art" did not succeed until mid-1940s. At that time, Fu established his signature style by absorbing the visual elements of German Expressionist paintings, one of the prevailing styles for cartoons and woodcut prints in the Kuomintang ruled areas. His signature style, which was strong in visual stimulation as well as in moral and emotional appeal, was developed through unceasing exchanges with the leftist critics and echoed with the political demand of the Chinese Communist Party. Meanwhile, as is rarely known, Fu also painted in the form of traditional guohua (Chinese national painting), which reveals a not-so-revolutionary side of the “revolutionary artist". His tragedy after the establishment of the People’s Republic vividly illustrates the irreconcilable conflicts between the May Fourth tradition of intellectual independence and the political culture of the CCP. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 陳鶯. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 294-307) and index. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Chen Ying. / 導言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 留學意大利（1930-1938） --- p.12 / Chapter 第一節 --- 文獻回顧：留意傳奇與疑問 --- p.12 / Chapter 第二節 --- 歐遊前傳：上海美專及其它 --- p.17 / Chapter 第三節 --- 那不勒斯：特殊的選擇 --- p.22 / Chapter 第四節 --- 美術學院内外 --- p.29 / Chapter 第五節 --- “求真"與“人情"：學院傳統及留意畫作 --- p.49 / Chapter 第六節 --- 東方學院：在中意之間 --- p.67 / Chapter 第七節 --- 歸國始末 --- p.84 / Chapter 第二章 --- 一九三八年在香港（1938-1939） --- p.103 / Chapter 第一節 --- 登場 --- p.103 / Chapter 第二節 --- 抗戰救國理想的首次實踐 --- p.107 / Chapter 第三節 --- 中國筆作西洋畫 --- p.117 / Chapter 第四節 --- 社會網絡：文化人、政經界及同鄉會組織 --- p.127 / Chapter 第五節 --- 結果與現實 --- p.135 / Chapter 第三章 --- 從歐洲學院到中國現實（1939-1948） --- p.140 / Chapter 第一節 --- 北上行蹤 --- p.140 / Chapter 第二節 --- 風格改造：形式與内容 --- p.144 / Chapter （一） --- 1941年桂林展 --- p.145 / Chapter （二） --- 1943年“現實主義浪漫派"巡展 --- p.152 / Chapter （三） --- 1946至1948年穗港展 --- p.158 / Chapter 第三節 --- 代表性風格的面貌 --- p.164 / Chapter （一） --- 代表性風格的兩種類型 --- p.165 / Chapter （二） --- 保留的與捨棄的 --- p.171 / Chapter （三） --- 新風格形成期間所受之影響 --- p.173 / Chapter 第四節 --- 風格選擇的成因：表現主義與中國“現實" --- p.180 / Chapter 第四章 --- 重訪香江（1947-1949） --- p.189 / Chapter 第一節 --- 再度居港與文化人南下潮 --- p.188 / Chapter 第二節 --- 人間畫會：組織結構及主要活動 --- p.193 / Chapter 第三節 --- 左翼文藝標準的強化 --- p.202 / Chapter 第四節 --- “國畫"：代表性風格以外的藝術嘗試 --- p.210 / Chapter 第五節 --- 短暫的美國夢 --- p.218 / Chapter 第六節 --- 迎接新中國 --- p.226 / Chapter 第五章 --- 政治氣候的轉變（1949-1971） --- p.235 / Chapter 第一節 --- 從體制外到體制内 --- p.235 / Chapter 第二節 --- 過渡時期：以舊風格唱新語句 --- p.241 / Chapter 第三節 --- 代表性畫風的瓶頸 --- p.249 / Chapter 第四節 --- 描繪新生活 --- p.257 / Chapter 第五節 --- 傳奇落幕 --- p.265 / Chapter 結語 --- 自畫像：個人命運與時代洪流 --- p.271 / 中文參考文獻 --- p.294 / 外文參考文獻 --- p.304 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 符羅飛藝術活動年表 --- p.308 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 人名索引 --- p.321 / 圖版目錄 --- p.329 / 圖版 --- p.351

By reconstructing his lecture activities, I found and discussed the conflicts and debates Li had with other philosophical schools of his times. In so doing, I also discussed the interaction between Li's learning and the philosophical traditions of places where he taught, for example, his difference with the traditions of the Zhu Xi school in Fujian. What emerged is that Li was a strong and unyielding philosopher who was able to give theoretical coherence to his disciples but failed to spread his teachings into established schools of thought. / From the case of Li Cai, this dissertation finds that three elements were common and crucial to the founding of a new philosophical school in middle and late Ming times---a doctrine couched in some terse expressions, expressions deriving from the Great Learning as key terms of the doctrine, and organized lecture activities. The dissertation also argues that it was the fundamental notions of achieving learning by oneself (zide) and transmission of the orthodox Way (daotong) that drove the creation of original arguments and "discussion of learning" activities in the late Ming. Li Cai worked himself to distinction amid this practice of the time by formulating his own doctrine on ethics. His emphasis on "cultivation of the person" is a deliberate counteraction to the "extension of innate knowledge" of Wang Yangming, whose school by Li's time had much indulged in the liberation of the individual to the neglect of social norms. Engaging himself as a teacher, Li Cai also cast himself as a rival to Wang Yangming. He considered his endeavor as an act of transmitting the Way and his doctrine as providing true insights into the teaching of Confucianism. More precisely, he considered his zhixiu doctrine a loyal representation of the teachings of Confucius and his great disciple Zeng Shen. / Li talked about his zhi-xiu doctrine everywhere he went. He advanced this doctrine by means of establishing academies (shuyuan), publishing his own works, organizing discussions and debates, lecturing to large audiences, and engaging in philosophical exchanges through correspondence with his discussants. He engaged himself in activities like these when he was director of a bureau in the minister of War, an assistant surveillance commissioner in Guangdong, and an administrative vice commissioner in charge of military affairs in the southwestern border region of the Ming empire. He lost no enthusiasm in championing his doctrine even when he was an exile in Fujian province for more than ten years. / The study begins with an analysis of the Daxue (Great Learning) , the most important Neo-Confucian classic in late imperial times, which exists in a large number of versions since Northern Song times. I first analyze the most cited versions, identifying especially the differences between Zhu Xi's orthodox version and the so-called Old Text derived from the classic Record of Rites. The latter version gained ascendance from the late fifteenth century when Wang Yangming's school strongly advocated it. / This dissertation studies a well-known, but not yet well studied, statesman and philosopher of the sixteenth century, Li Cai, and his relationship to the building of philosophical schools in the world of Ming Confucianism. It hopes to throw lights on the study of Ming intellectual communities as well as on the general intellectual history of late imperial China. / To distinguish himself from both Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming, Li Cai provided a new version of the Great Learning by rearranging the texts of the Old Text and Zhu Xi's version as well as the text in the Shijing daxue (Stone Classics Great Learning), which is a forgery but acclaimed by many scholars of the time. Li Cai formulated his own philosophical doctrine from this new version and summed it up with the term zhixiu, which stands for the word zhi and the word xiu, respectively, which in turn are abbreviations of the phrases zhi yu zhishan (abiding by the supreme good) and xiushen (cultivation of the person), phrases that denote key notions in the Great Learning. He theorized that zhi refers to the substance and xiu refers to the practice of his doctrine. In actuality, he takes zhi to mean focusing on nourishing the mind and xiu to mean self-examination and watchfulness in the cultivation of the self. / 劉勇. / Adviser: Chu Hung-Lam. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2187. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 362-389). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Liu Yong.

This extended case analysis thus demonstrates the intricate relationship between complex state capacities and cultural hegemony. It aims to deepen our understanding of the cultural history and state nature of Mao's China; theoretically, it aims to bring the state back into the cultural analysis based on a more solid foundation of state theory and provide a reference case for applying state theory to analyze cultural and other issues. / This research is an empirical analysis of the cultural hegemony pursued by Mao's China (1949-1966) in the field of mass culture. Based on the empirical research of this study, and inspired by the perspective of "Bringing the State back in" School, and the "State in Society" theory as well, this research put forth the theoretical perspective of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", which highlights the uneven-ness of state capacities in different fields and different aspects of the same field, and emphasizes that we should pay attention to both the strong state capacities, weak state capacities, the paradox of strong state capacities, the conflict between different state projects and the influence of "policy feedback" on state capacities. Based on the Extended Case Method, this research selects the Dashijie Amusement Center in Shanghai as the subject of research. It analyzes how the new regime effectively took over and transformed Dashijie, and meanwhile, demonstrates that under the influence of the complex state capacities, Dashijie gradually lost its original characteristics as an amusement center, and became more and more similar with Workers' Club. This phenomenon is called as cultural isomorphism. Negotiational hegemony to some extent alleviated this situation of cultural isomorphism, while zero-sum hegemony exacerbated it. With this development, the number of audience of Dashijie dropped a lot, which implies the predicament of cultural hegemony in the field of mass culture pursued by the totalistic state. Following the methodological perspective of the Extended Case Method, and also inspired by Bourdieu's theory of cultural field, this research further analyzes the evolution of Shanghai Bureau of Cultural Affairs. It demonstrated that, compared with the Nationalist Government, the new regime took further step in state building in the field of mass culture, advancing the bureaucratization of cultural administrative apparatuses and penetrating the state power into the cultural field at the grass-roots level. On the other hand, this research also reveals that the new regime is constrained by the weak state capacities in financial resources, human capital, sufficient bureaucratization, and the limitation of state capacities in the heterogeneity of the masses and the asynchronous-ness of structural transformation. As a result, the state capacity of the totalistic state in eradicating the production and circulation of the old mass cultural products is relatively strong and thus relatively successful, while the state capacity in constructing a new socialist mass culture, which was expected to be widely accepted by the masses, is relatively weak and thus relatively unsuccessful. In the view of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", negotiational hegemony reflected the recognition of complex state capacities, and it was thus necessary and beneficial for the state project of cultural hegemony; while the zero-sum hegemony reflected lack of recognition of or even did not accept the situation of complex state capacities, and thus exacerbated the situation of cultural isomorphism, leading to the final predicatement of cultural hegemony. / 肖文明. / Adviser: Hoi-man Chan. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 323-339). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xiao Wenming.

Wu, Xiao. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 111-124). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Acknowledgement --- p.iv / Table of Contents --- p.v / Chapter Chapter One: --- Chinese Film Piracy Consumption and Media Globalization --- p.1 / Introduction: The Rampant Film Piracy in China --- p.1 / Literature Review --- p.4 / Focuses in Chinese Film Piracy --- p.4 / Four Theoretical Positions in Media Globalization --- p.7 / Summary --- p.17 / Chapter Chapter Two: --- Problematics of Chinese Film Piracy Consumption --- p.19 / Two Concepts --- p.19 / Diversity --- p.19 / Filmic Gene Pool --- p.20 / Two Arguments and One Deduction --- p.23 / The Argument for the Expanding Global Capital --- p.23 / The Argument for National Protectionism --- p.25 / The Long Tail --- p.26 / The Theoretical Deduction for the Chinese Case --- p.27 / Research Questions --- p.28 / Methodological Note --- p.28 / Chapter Chapter Three: --- A Re-Examination of Chinese Film Piracy Market --- p.32 / The Myth of Market Access --- p.32 / State Censorship Overlooked --- p.34 / The First-Release Obsession --- p.35 / An Internet Take-over? --- p.38 / Summary --- p.39 / Chapter Chapter Four: --- "In Search of the “Invisible"" Audience/Viewers" --- p.42 / The “Official´ح Audience --- p.42 / Chinese Film Audiences Re-Captured --- p.45 / Sketches on the ´بInvisible´ة Viewers --- p.51 / Conclusion --- p.56 / Chapter Chapter Five: --- Structural Analysis for Chinese Film Piracy Consumption --- p.58 / Chinese Piracy Viewers: An Idle Spare of the Nexus? --- p.58 / The Film Piracy Market in China --- p.61 / Summary --- p.63 / Chapter Chapter Six: --- A Brief History of Chinese Piracy Consumption --- p.67 / Video Hall (Mid-1980s to Mid-1990s) --- p.68 / Epoch of the Videodisc (Since mid-1990s) --- p.70 / Online Movie Forums and Blogs (1998-Present) --- p.73 / Online Social Networks of Cinephiles (2004-Present) --- p.76 / The Accompanying Print Media (1999-Present) --- p.78 / Conclusion --- p.82 / Chapter Chapter Seven: --- The Chinese Public Cine-Space --- p.83 / The Publicness of Piracy Viewing --- p.83 / A Public Cine-Space --- p.84 / Cultural Public Sphere: The Concept --- p.84 / The Chinese Internet --- p.85 / The Chinese Online Film Critics --- p.87 / The Chinese Public Cine-Space --- p.89 / A Trajectory of the Online Cine-Space --- p.90 / Mechanism towards Diversity --- p.93 / The Techno-Divide --- p.98 / Chapter Chapter Eight: --- Conclusion --- p.100 / Contributions --- p.100 / Historical Account of Chinese Film Piracy Consumption --- p.100 / Inclusive Model for Diversity of Cultural Market --- p.101 / Weaknesses and Future Suggestions --- p.103 / Final Remark --- p.106 / Appendix A --- p.108 / Bibliography --- p.111

This thesis explains the relationships between the British Expedition to China, the Qing state, and the Chinese maritime and river population during the Opium War (1839-1842). Drawing on scholarship on borderlands and frontiers as well as a variety of textual and visual sources, the thesis argues that the Opium War transformed vast coastal and waterway regions in Guangdong, Fujian, Zhejiang, and Jiangsu provinces into what can be conceptualized as "water borders." These water borders were initially characterized by the existence of the Qing Empire's sea frontier, where the Qing rulers, with the "inner-outer paradigm" in mind, strove to maintain control over those labeled as "outer barbarians," "Han evildoers," "villainous fishers," and the "Dan." The rise of a British wartime frontier in China and its adverse effects on local transportation as well as Chinese regional and international trade, however, destabilized southeast China's socioeconomic order. With the Qing forces weakened, Chinese piracy was unleashed, and given limited British naval power, there was an absence of any militarily hegemonic power in southeast China's waters. The British occupation and naval blockade, moreover, resulted in the emergence of overlaps and interstices of the Qing and British empires. On the one hand, the British Expedition and the Qing state conflicted over managing Chinese merchant craft and their trade. On the other hand, subject to neither Qing nor British control, many Chinese people living along the coast and rivers took advantage of the wartime opportunities and expanded their activities and networks to fissures of Qing control and the newly opened interstitial space. The thesis engages with Opium War studies by 're-reorienting' the war toward the coast and revealing the war's three "inner" aspects, namely the Qing efforts to "tame" the sea frontier, British rule in wartime China, and the Qing-British conflicts over controlling Chinese littoral people. The thesis, moreover, contributes to scholarship on late imperial and modern Chinese littoral societies. It argues that while the war marked the beginning of an unprecedented-scale interaction of Chinese coastal and riverine people with Westerners in China, the evolution of Chinese littoral societies during the war was in fact a continuation of the preceding centuries. The Opium War, the thesis argues, brought about one of the most dramatic political-social upheavals in late imperial littoral China. Furthermore, the thesis revisits British imperialism in late imperial and modern China by looking at the origins of the British "formal empire," limitations of British power, and wartime aids of the "indigenous" population for the British. The thesis also reassesses the significance of the Opium War in the history of the Qing Empire. It argues that for the Qing state, its anti-opium campaign and anti-British war in 1839-1842 constituted one of the recurrent threats on the maritime frontier for the empire's first two centuries. It also highlights some aspects of similarities and linkage of the Qing Empire's maritime and inland borders. Furthermore, the thesis reevaluates the Qing's state capacity during the Opium War and in the following years, highlighting its partial ability to control the empire's littorals. Last but not least, the water border framework constructed in the thesis serves to underscore some aspects of continuity in the political and socioeconomic development of late imperial southeast China, and to facilitate comparison between different frontiers in the Qing Empire, Southeast Asia, and beyond.