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China’s massive growth has left her in need of new energy and raw materials sources to fuel her fast developing economy. Consequently, China has turned to the African region to meet such critical needs. To this end, China’s emerging economy appears to be associated with an increasing strengthening of its political and economic relations with sub-Saharan African countries, particularly with South Africa. At the same time, South Africa is also enjoying improved relations be it economic, political and social with China. This research has three tasks: first it will examine the impact of the China- South Africa political and economic relations on the socio-economic fabric of South Africa. Secondly, this project will ascertain the opportunities and challenges presented by China’s relations with South Africa. Finally, this study will investigate whether this relationship is mutually beneficial or one-sided. A combination of the realism, Balance of Power, Heckscher-Ohlin theory, and notions from the Liberalist approach to International Political Economy theories will be used in explaining the China – South Africa relationship. The study will mainly take the form of a qualitative study and will mainly entail the examination, analysis and interpretation of documentary secondary data published in a variety of financial journals, non-profit organisations such as the Trade Law Centre for Southern Africa (TRALAC) and the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), government departments, reports and articles in the media as well as research conducted by other students. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

When implemented within a favourable legislative framework, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can produce domestic growth-enhancing spillovers in host countries. Other potential positive effects include the provision of investment capital, the creation of local employment and the transfer of sophisticated technology or advanced knowledge. African nations in particular have been historically reliant on externally-provided funds. Prevailing low income levels, marginal savings rates and the absence of functioning financial markets necessary to provide local start-up capital continue to keep Africa reliant on foreign inflows. Considering China’s increasing financial commitments to Sub- Saharan Africa (SSA) over the last decade, this study examines the state of current Sino-African investment relationships. Specific attention is paid to the outcomes of this strategic bilateral alliance in order to determine whether or not a mutually beneficial investment relationship has evolved. The distinct nature and structure of, the motivation behind and the most significant determinants of Chinese FDI to SSA are all analysed in accordance with traditional FDI theories. A case study approach is used to establish whether China’s contemporary interest in SSA differs from historical investments and to also investigate country-specific commonalities and differences. Of particular relevance to SSA are resource-backed Chinese loans that finance major infrastructure projects in host nations. Interestingly, a lot of the Sino-African investment packages resemble similar deals struck between China and Japan in the 1970s. The results of this study indicate that China’s investment motives seem more diverse than initially expected. Resource-seeking, profit-seeking and market access-seeking reasons appear to be the most important motives. After establishing the Top- Ten recipients of Chinese FDI in SSA, these nations are then classified into three major categories: resource-, oil- or agricultural-rich nations. Undiversified resource- or oil-rich economies are found to have secured the largest shares of Chinese FDI. This study suggests that China’s contemporary “African Safari” is an unconventional way of providing financial assistance. Rather than solely supplying FDI, China finances a diverse mix of instruments, the most important being concessional loans, export credits, zero-interest loans and the establishment of Special Economic Zones. A profound difference to traditional Western investment packages is China’s non-interference approach. Accordingly, Beijing not only refrains from intervening in host countries’ domestic affairs but also refuses to attach formal conditionalties to its loans. China’s “financial safari” into Africa has produced many positive as well as negative effects in host countries. Nevertheless, it would seem that the positive effects outweigh the negative and China’s FDI could contribute to sustainable development in SSA

The characteristics of the Sino-Soviet Alliance have been analyzed extensively for more than three decades. However, the economic aspects of this Alliance remain unclear. A number of factors, such as statistical discrepancies, complexity of interpretation, and the quality and reliability of the Chinese and Soviet sources , are accountable for this obscurity. A more narrowly focused study examining the role Sino-Soviet economic relations played in shaping the Alliance is useful to better our understanding. After a chronological, review of the Sino-Soviet economic relationship, its significance in shaping the Alliance is examined through the reappraisal of three major areas. Firstly, the relative costs and benefits for each partner are assessed in an objective and detached way. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to China's industrialization. Soviet financial aid , though modest in figure, was provided in a timely way. Together with the provision of scientific and technological knowledge, the value of Soviet aid must be regarded as considerable. The benefits to the Soviet Union were less impressive; but since the imported Chinese consumer goods were largely consumed in the Soviet Far East, the benefits should not be underestimated. The cost for both sides remains obscure; though it is obvious that the questions of "Soviet exploitation", concerning the joint-stock companies, the overvaluation of the rouble and the pricing in Sino-Soviet trade are highly complex and should be interpreted with greater care. Secondly, the effect of Sino-Soviet economic cooperation on the Alliance — whether it strengthened or weakened it — is explored. Undoubtedly, the economic relationship had both unifying and divisive effects. It was a unifying factor because the Soviets had provided China with support and assistance that would have been difficult to obtain elsewhere . Another factor which had tied China to the USSR was the strong Soviet influences resulting from the implementation of the Soviet model and the close cooperation in the fields of education and sciences. On the other hand, these Soviet influences proved to be a divisive factor as well, because they produced a domestic political and social situation that Mao found profoundly distasteful. Different economic interests and competition in foreign aid programs also created tensions and frictions. The independent outlook of China's leaders made them resentful of their role as a junior partner in the early 1950's, and prevented them from entering a long-term trade agreement with the USSR or joining the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, as the Soviets had wished. Finally, the impact of Sino-Soviet economic relations upon China's policy-making is discussed, albeit speculatively. In the early 1950's, China's economic and military dependence on the USSR made its leaders exercise greater caution in their claim of "Mao's Road " as the model for other Asian countries. As China gained strength, however, Soviet influence declined. While the discontinuation of Soviet financial aid can reasonably be regarded as one of the major factors contributing to China's decision to abandon the Soviet model in 1958, the economic pressure applied by Khrushchev failed to change China's policy, and proved counterproductive. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The research assignment examines pertinent factors affecting the political, economic and social landscape of the development of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Domestic conditions within the PRC are influencing its foreign policy behaviour in the international arena. The PRC's internal environment will thus determine the extent of its external presence. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die werkstuk bestudeer die relevante faktore wat die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale landskap ten opsigte van die Republiek van China (PRC) se holistiese ontwikkeling beïnvloed. Omstandighede binne die Republiek beïnvloed die land se buitelandse beleidsgedrag in die internasionale arena. Dit sal dus regverdig wees om te sê dat binnelandse faktore 'n beslissende rol speel ten opsigte van hoe die land homself binne die globale arena hanteer.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the impact China's accession to the WTO and growing economic ascendancy in the multilateral trading system is going to have on the developing world. The central problem addressed is whether China's accession and growing stature is going to be a competitive threat to the developing world or will China emerge as a collaborator to the developing world and assist in redressing the inequalities of the system. Three themes emerge and are dealt with in this study. The first addresses China as a developing nation itself and its overall position in relation to the rest of the developing world. Then China's growing economic progress and its internal developments are looked at. Finally China is evaluated as collaborator or competitor to the developing world. A descriptive and analytical approach is employed in this study. The complexity and the interplay between the multiple levels of analysis emerge in this study. In order to best address the role China is to play, China has to be set in the greater multilateral context, the regional context and then evaluated in conjunction with the internal dynamics which are unfolding. These perspectives together are of the utmost importance in determining the future role China is to play in relation to the developing world. Whether it will emerge as a collaborator or a competitor to the already marginalised developing sector of the trading system. The regional level of analysis is playing an increasingly important role in the current system as the regional units are proving more effective trading units than sole national units. Thus this study pays particular attention to the region in a case study focusing on South East Asia in relation to China. The multilateral level of analysis addressing China's role in relation to the developing world and the answer to the question of whether China is going to be collaborator or competitor to the developing world is of particular importance in the current global context. The developing world is increasingly calling for the inequalities prevalent in the system to be addressed and China's position in the current context and in relation to this current issue will play an important role. Despite the optimism surrounding China and its possible future the internal dynamics and context cannot be underestimated or neglected. The unfolding domestic developments that take place at the hands of the current leadership will playa deciding role in China's future. As China is in a transition and attempting a mix between a market-based economic system encapsulated in a socialist system it is a precarious situation that needs the careful attention of the leadership to best manage China's internal and external developments. The inclusion thus of China's internal dynamics, therefore cannot be neglected and have been included in this study. Current trends regarding China emerge and it is possible to make assumptions on the basis of these trends as to what China's future role entails. This then is looked at as to the impact these trends are going to have on the various contexts that China finds itself in and most importantly the impact that it is likely to have on the developing world. The possibilities of different impacts being played out in different time frames emerge as the most likely to manifest themselves. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak wat China se aansluiting by die WHO, en sy groeiende ekonomiese mag in die multilaterale handelsisteem, op die ontwikkelende wêreld het. Die sentrale vraag wat hier aangespreek word, is of China se aansluiting by die WHO 'n bedreiging inhou vir ontwikkelende ekonomieë en of dié land, alternatiewelik, sy posisie kan gebruik om laasgenoemde ekonomieë by te staan in hul stryd teen die ongelykhede van die huidige sisteem. Drie hooftemas is hier ter sprake. Die eerste handeloor China se status as ontwikkelende land, en sy algemene posisie vis a vis ander ontwikkelende lande. Die tweede, fokus op China se ekonomiese en interne ontwikkelings, terwyl die derde tema meer lig werp op die vraag of China beskou moet word as bondgenoot of mededinger van die ontwikkelende wêreld. 'n Deskriptiewe en analitiese benadering is VIr die doeleindes van die studie aangewend. Die kompleksiteit en interaksie tussen verskillende vlakke van analise kom in die studie na vore. Om China se rol in konteks te plaas, is dit nodig om daarna te kyk vanuit 'n streeksperspektief en dit in verband te bring met interne ontwikkelinge binne dié land. Hierdie perspektiewe, tesame, is kardinaal vir 'n beter begrip van China se toekomstige rol met betrekking to ander ontwikkelende lande. 'n Streeksanalise raak toenemend belangrik in die lig van die feit dat regionale eenhede algaande meer effektief funksioneer as individuele nasionale state. In hierdie studie word daar verallig gewerp op Suid-oos Asië, waarvan China deel uitmaak. Op die multi-laterale vlak van analise is dit ook van belang om vas te stel hoe China saloptree teenoor ontwikkelende lande na sy toetredede tot die WHO. Die ontwikkelende wêreld pleit vir die regstel van strukturele ongelykhede, en China kan moontlik hier 'n deurslaggewende rol speel. Ten spyte van hoë verwagtinge aangaande China se toekomstige rol, kan die land se interne konteks en dinamika nie buite rekening gelaat word nie. Ontwikkelinge wat tans binne China plaasvind sal 'n defnitiewe impak op die land se toekoms hê. China se unieke mengsel van 'n markgerigte ekonomie, wat funksioneer binne 'n breër sosialistiese opset, sal deeglike beplanning rakende die landse binne en buitelandse sake van sy leiers verg. Om hierdie rede het die studie ook klem gelê op die interne politiek dinamiek van China. Spesifieke tendense rakende China is besig om te ontwikkel, en dit raak algaande makliker om sekere afleidings aangaande die land se toekomstige rol binne die internasionale konteks te maak. Hierdie tendense is veral van belang wanneer daar gekyk word na China se toekomstige verhoudinge met die ontwikkelende wêreld. Dit wil dus voorkom asof uiteenlopende resultate hulself gedurende verskillende tydsgrepe sal manifesteer.

China's policy toward the Korean peninsula has shifted from a one-Korea policy to a de facto two-Korea policy. Beijing's constant policy is recognition of Pyongyang as the sole legitimate regime on the peninsula. What Beijing has changed is to acknowledge the existence of the Seoul regime and to inaugurate Sino-South Korean unofficial ties. The main thrust of this research is to examine China's relations with South Korea and North Korea during the period between 1984 and 1989 and to identify the national interests which made Beijing leaders shift their Korea policy. The hypothesis of this study is: China's economic priority is the determining factor and changes in the international environment in East Asia are a contributing factor which made China incrementally shift policy toward the Korean peninsula. The decision to adopt the policy of "revitalizing the economy internally and implementing the open door policy externally" in the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Chinese Communist Party Central Committee in 1978 resulted in revolutionary changes in Chinese foreign policy. These changes resulted from new foreign policy orientations, namely, pragmatism, the growing magnitude of economic elements, open door policy, and entente diplomacy. These new orientations were able to be applied to the Korean case when changes in the Northeast Asian international milieu provided chances in the early 1980s. These changes were the growing positive Sino-Soviet relations, the emergence of South Korea as an economic power, the improvement of Soviet-North Korean relations, and the failure of North Korean diplomacy. Through empirical studies of Chinese foreign behavior and official media, the hypothesis is proven valid. In the early 1980s, China evidently changed its Korean policy priority from strategic interests to political interests with a desire for a peaceful international environment. The growing unofficial Beijing-Seoul contacts show that China desires to pursue its economic interests in South Korea but under the premise of not jeopardizing its relations with North Korea. This line will not change until North Korea is willing to accept cross-recognition.

The main task of this thesis is to investigate economic implications of U.S.- China trade. The study period covers from 1972 to 1992. Data are available from International Financial Statistics, Survey of Current Business, Statistical Yearbook of P.R.China. Various hypotheses are employed to explain the basis and gain of trade, the impact of trade on both economies, and the major determinants of bilateral trade flows. This thesis contains five parts: I. Introduction; II. Outlook; III. Theoretical Analysis; IV. Empirical Study; and V. Conclusion. The major findings of this thesis are that both countries have gained advantages from trade and have also faced some unpleasant problems; several widely recognized theories serve as good approaches to understand these issues; the time series distributed lag models are helpful in explaining the determinants of trade flows.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of International Relations Department of International Relations, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa / Although contemporary analysis of foreign policy now incorporate diverse issues originating from diverse subject areas, it has neglected the issue of change in foreign policy in favour of foreign policy continuity. This paper investigates the subtle changes that China has instituted in its foreign policy towards Africa. It argues that, these subtle foreign policy changes, although beneficial to China, have inherent negative implications on African states and signifies a manifestation of an active, assertive and confrontational Chinese foreign policy in future. In this investigation, China through the implementation of its moralistic five principles of peaceful development, the open door policy and its strategy of instituting policies that target states that it seeks to do business with, has managed to attract and solicit partnership from most African states. Sub-national institutions like the Forum on China Africa Cooperation, the Chinese military, think tanks, Exim Bank and individual Chinese provinces have been tasked to carry out and implement China’s Africa foreign policy. The FOCAC meetings have emerged to be the most important platform through which the notion of change and the main objectives of China’s Africa policy are expressed. There, exists numerous models which can be used to analyse foreign policy change but the paper adopts Eidenfalk’s extent of foreign policy change model to analyse the various issues, both domestic and international, that influence changes in foreign policy. For China, international more than domestic factors wield greater influence on foreign policy. As a result three strands of foreign policy change can be identified in China’s Africa policy i.e. from single aid to aid provided on a win-win basis, from ideological focus during the colonial period to pragmatic considerations and from non-interference to active engagement on the continent. Given the close relationship that had formed between China and most African states, changes identified above, will have negative political and economic consequences for African states. For instance, African states will no longer enjoy Beijing’s cushion against UN sanctions, weakening of African economies and identity crisis are all possible consequences of China’s evolving policy. Zimbabwe is dependent both economically and politically on China. It would follow that any form of change in China’s foreign policy will leave Zimbabwe exposed to the above effects. / MT2017