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<p>The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.</p>

This study identified the media frames that dominate Thisday newspaper's coverage of China's engagement with Nigeria and relate these frames to frame sponsors, who articulate and contest these framings. Frame analysis is applied to a sample of 40 news, feature and opinion articles between the sample period of 1 November 2011 and 31 December 2012. The study analysed media content from Thisday newspapers, drawing on the four dimensions of frames identified by Entman: define problems, diagnose causes, evaluate causal agents and their effects, and recommend treatment (Entman 1993). Using an inductive approach to frame analysis, the study identified two overarching mega frames, contested among the ruling elites who sponsor their views on China in the media, which define China's engagement with Nigeria; partner/role model and predator. The two mega frames mirror the broad characterisation prevalent in the academic literature on China in Africa. The primary partner/role model mega frame constructs China's engagement with Nigeria as a mutually beneficial economic partnership while on the other hand the predator mega frame constructs it as unequal and exploitative. The study identified the activities of frame sponsors who are articulating and promoting their views on China's engagement with Nigeria in the media as primarily responsible for these framings. The study also identified the activities of frame sponsors (ruling and economic elites) was key to the exclusion of ordinary peoples' voices, civic organisations, trade unions and human rights organisation in the text. However, the study also attributes the exclusion of ordinary voices, human rights, democracy and civic engagements in the text to the weakness of Thisday journalism in mediating the framings of China being promoted and articulated by elite frame sponsors. This is, however, symptomatic of the fault lines of journalism practice in Nigeria.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:34:37Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 licorio_go_me_mar.pdf: 317852 bytes, checksum: a799c0e090df360207e895c3e35ab573 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A presença chinesa na África nos últimos cinco anos deixou de ser pautada na solidariedade e tomou características de posicionamento estratégico internacional. A China alcança em média 70 bilhões de dólares ao ano (Huang, 2008) em negociações comerciais com o continente Africano, incluindo países que enfrentam situação de instabilidade civil, como Sudão e Nigéria. Essa interação não impõe condicionalidades políticas, o que permite à China manter sempre relações vantajosas financeira e politicamente, independente de qual seja o regime vigente. O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar esse novo posicionamento chinês no continente Africano, buscando entender as conseqüências dessa aproximação para ambos os lados e sua relação com o aprofundamento das situações de conflito / The Chinese presence in Africa over the past five years has ceased to be based on solidarity and took strategic international positioning characteristics. China has achieved an average 70 billion dollars per year (HUANG, 2008) in trade negotiations with the African continent, including countries facing situations of civil unrest, such as Sudan and Nigeria. This interaction does not impose conditionalities, which allows China to always maintain advantageous relationships financially and politically, regardless of what is the current regime. The aim of this study is to analyze this new Chinese position on the African continent, seeking to understand the consequences of this approach for both sides and their connection with the deepening of the conflict

Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / Banca: Carlos Eduardo Ferreira de Carvalho / Banca: Igor Fuser / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: A presença chinesa na África nos últimos cinco anos deixou de ser pautada na solidariedade e tomou características de posicionamento estratégico internacional. A China alcança em média 70 bilhões de dólares ao ano (Huang, 2008) em negociações comerciais com o continente Africano, incluindo países que enfrentam situação de instabilidade civil, como Sudão e Nigéria. Essa interação não impõe condicionalidades políticas, o que permite à China manter sempre relações vantajosas financeira e politicamente, independente de qual seja o regime vigente. O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar esse novo posicionamento chinês no continente Africano, buscando entender as conseqüências dessa aproximação para ambos os lados e sua relação com o aprofundamento das situações de conflito / Abstract: The Chinese presence in Africa over the past five years has ceased to be based on solidarity and took strategic international positioning characteristics. China has achieved an average 70 billion dollars per year (HUANG, 2008) in trade negotiations with the African continent, including countries facing situations of civil unrest, such as Sudan and Nigeria. This interaction does not impose conditionalities, which allows China to always maintain advantageous relationships financially and politically, regardless of what is the current regime. The aim of this study is to analyze this new Chinese position on the African continent, seeking to understand the consequences of this approach for both sides and their connection with the deepening of the conflict / Mestre

Chinese organisations are benefiting from increasing support from the Chinese government to enter into Africa. It is believed that over 2 000 Chinese organisations are operational in Africa, contributing greatly to employment within the continent. Despite the importance of Chinese organisations and their operations in Africa, very little research has been done on individual and organisational issues in Chinese organisations operating in Africa, and more specifically the local employees' organisational commitment to such organisations. The organisational commitment of South African employees within Chinese organisations in South Africa is important as it promotes the success of Chinese business, which may promote further investment into the country, as well as the use of local human resources. The primary aim of this research was therefore to conduct a literature and empirical study into the levels of and factors influencing the organisational commitment of South African employees in a selected Chinese organisation in South Africa. For the purposes of this study, a single case study approach, located within the phenomenological research paradigm, was used. A large multinational Chinese organisation with operations in South Africa agreed to participate in this study. The research made use of a descriptive case study design. To give effect to the primary aim of the study, three research objectives were identified. Firstly, to identify and describe key factors influencing local employee commitment. Secondly, to identify and describe current commitment levels amongst local employees, and lastly, to propose recommendations to improve local employee commitment and its implications for the appropriate management of human resources within the Chinese organisation. Data were collected by means of in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 20 participating employees at four organisational branches across South Africa. Moreover, although the interview transcripts were the primary source of data, the collection process was enriched with the use of organisational and participant observations. The findings of this research revealed ten factors which are perceived to influence the commitment of South African employees within the organisation, namely: Open communication, Leadership, Supervisory support, Opportunities for training and development, Compensation, Job security, Promotional opportunities, Shared values, Recognition and Trust. Certain issues were raised by the participants during the in-depth interviews, most notably the limited opportunities for training, development and promotion, as well as issues regarding the perceived limited compensation received from the organisation. Despite these issues, the general findings relating to the levels of commitment in the organisation were positive for the organisation under study, with the majority of the participants being perceived to demonstrate high levels of affective, normative and continuance commitment.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soft power is more relevant now than ever before. In fact, in the current world system it has become an important element in exercising state power and mapping out leadership strategies. This assignment attempts to analyse the use of soft power as a post-Cold War foreign policy strategy on the part of China. Chinese relations with the African continent are assessed to prove the increasing rate at which China has expended trade and diplomatic relations in the past two decades, and to determine the degree to which soft power is contributing to China’s prospects of a harmonious rise to a position of global power. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism and confucianism. This stance is based on the need to protect and promote the economic and social stability of the state, as well as to secure a sound diplomatic identity in the international arena. For this reason, China has expanded economic interests abroad, particularly, looking upon Africa as a source of mutual development and investement, economic cooperation and an enhanced network for trade. This has lead to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between the Chinese nation and many African states, through the provision of aid, diplomatic cooperation on policy issues and the sharing of cultural values and institutional norms. In this way, China has been able to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power and make a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Concluding a thorough analysis of China’s foreign policy behaviour it is determined that China-Africa relations are based, at least in part, on soft power, as a means to gain increased international influence. This is contended by the likeness between the behaviour advocated by soft power theory and that of Chinese interaction with African states. Furthermore, this partnership can be understood as a potential global shift towards multilateralism and the belief in an emerging international order that organised by regionalised powers that cooperate with each other on international platforms. The theory of constructivism, particularly its emaphasis on the roles of ideas, identities and institutions, is a valuable perspective to consider in approaching this discussion of China as a peacefully emerging global power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ‘Sagtemag’ is nou meer relevante vandag as ooit tevore. Dit is inderdaad ‘n belangrike element in die uitoefening van staat mag en leierskap strategieë in die huidige wêreld. Hierdie werkstuk poog om die gebruik van sagte mag te ontleed as ‘n buitelandse beleid strategie op die deel van Sjina sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog. Sjinese verhoudings met Arika word geassesseer om te bewys die toenemende tempo waarteen diplomatieke betrekkinge in die afgelope twee dekades bestee het, en die graad aan wat sagte mag dra Sjina se vooruitsigte van ‘n harmonieuse aanleiding tot wêreld mag te bepaal. Sjina se buitelandse beleid is ideologies ondersteun deur nasionalisme en Confucianisme. Hierdie standpunt is gebaseer op die behoefte om die ekonomiese stabiliteit van die staat te beskerm en om ‘n gesonde diplomatieke indentiteit te verseker op ‘n internasionale vlak. Om hierdie rede het Sjina uigebrei om die ekonomiese belange in die buiteland, veral op soek op die Afrika-vasteland as ‘n bron van wedersydse ontwikkeling en belegging, ekonomiese samewerking en ‘n groter handelsmerk netwerk. Dit het gelei tot die groei van die ‘sagte’ bande tussen Sjina en baie Afrika-lande, deur die voorsiening van fonds, diplomatieke samewerking oor beleidskwessies en die deel van kulturele waardes en institusionele norme. Op hierdie manier het Sjina die persepsie van ‘n vreedsame opkoms by wêreld mag te bevorder en ‘n waardevolle bydrae tot die Sjinese doel vir ‘n ‘Harmonious World’ te bou. Die sluiting van ‘n deeglike ontleding van Sjina se buitelandse beleid word bepaal dat Sjina-Afrika verhoudings is op sagtemag gebou om ‘n verhoogde internaionale invloed te kry. Dit is aangevoer deur die gelykenis tussen sagtemag teorie en die gedrag wat bepleit word deur Sjinese interaksie met Afrika-lande. Verder kan hierdie vennootskap verstaan word as ‘n moontlike globale verskuiwing na multilateralisme en die potensiële van ‘n nuwe internationale bestel wat gereël is deur regionalisering magte. Konstruktivisme, veral die teorie se nadruk op die rolle van idees, indentiteite en instellings, is ook ‘n waardevolle perspektief te oorweeg in die nader van heirdie bespreking van Sjina as ‘n vreedsame wyse opkomende wêreld mag.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study addresses the topic of foreign direct investment in the People's Republic of China (P.Re.) by South African companies, focusing on opportunities and risks in the context of 'South-South Co-operation' between the P.RC. and South Africa. Relations between the two developing countries have only been forged since January 1998 when South Africa recognised the P.RC. government as the dejure representative of China. With the Chinese market of 1.3 billion potential consumers proving to be a lucrative opportunity for all international, multinational and transnational companies, it is imperative for South African companies to gain a foothold in the Chinese market. Therefore, entry requirements as well as impediments that could emerge have to be scrutinised. Analysis of governmental relations currently being forged between the two states is assessed as well as the wider context of 'Sino-Africa' co-operation. China's recent entry into the World Trade Organisation (WTO) has and will continue to have a substantial effect on the international trading system. The implications of this for South African companies is given considerable attention in order to highlight resulting opportunities. Apart from assessmg the current state of relations and identifying investment and business opportunities, the study also focuses on the method of conducting business in China which has highly complex rules and regulations for companies entering the P.RC. An analysis of the different modes of entry is conducted, coupled with a focus on the cultural sensitivities and norms that are associated with building relationships when negotiating possible business partnerships. The study finally identifies potential risks that foreign direct investors need to continually assess, namely, the transfer of political power to a new generation of relatively young leaders, corruption that is spreading within China and the restructuring of State Owned Enterprises (SOE's) and the inevitable consequence of job losses. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie spreek die onderwerp van buitelandse direkte investering in die Volksrepubliek van Sjina (VRS) deur Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappye aan, en fokus op geleenthede en risikos in die konteks van 'Suid-Suid samewerking' tussen die VRS en Suid-Afrika. Betrekkings tussen die twee ontwikkelende lande is eers onlangs gesmee nadat Suid-Afrika in Januarie 1998 die VRS as die dejure verteenwoordiger van Sjina erken het. Met In Sjinese mark van meer as 1.3 miljard potensiële verbruikers wat In winsgewende geleentheid vir alle internasionale, multinasionale en transnasionale maatskappye skep, is dit imperatief vir Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappye om hulself in die Sjinese mark te vestig. Dus moet toegangsvereistes asook moontlike hindernisse noukeurig ondersoek word. Die studie doen 'n analise van betrekkings wat huidiglik tussen die twee state se regerings gesmee word, en die breër konteks van samewerking tussen Sjina en Afrika word ook geëvalueer. Die VRS se onlangse toetrede tot die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) het en sal aanhou om 'n wesenlike impak op die internasionale handelsstelsel te hê. Daar word ook aansienlike aandag geskenk aan die implikasies hiervan vir Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappye om sodoende geleenthede uit te lig. Bo en behalwe 'n evaluering van die huidige stand van betrekkings en 'n identifisering van beleggings- en besigheidsgeleenthede, fokus hierdie studie ook op die manier waarop besigheid in Sjina onderneem word, wat uiters gekompliseerde reëls en regulasies insluit vir maatskappye wat die land betree. 'n Analise van die verskillende wyses van toegang is onderneem, tesame met 'n fokus op die kulturele sensitiwiteite en norme wat 'n invloed op die bou van verhoudings tydens die onderhandeling van moontlike besigheidsvennootskappe kan hê. Laastens identifiseer die studie potensiële risikos wat buitelandse direkte beleggers voortdurend in ag moet neem, naamlik die oordrag van mag na 'n nuwe generasie van relatief jong leiers, die verspreiding van korrupsie, die herstrukturering van staatskorporasies en die onvermydelike gevolge van werksverliese.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Chinese national oil corporations have increased their foreign direct investments over the last decade in Africa, where the political environment of oil producing countries often expose the firms to high political risk. The analysis of political risk is increasingly relevant for the investment decision-making process of Chinese corporations, as changes in political dynamics of host countries can affect the opportunities and profitability of investments. The study emphasises the need for firm-specific political risk analysis as a decision-making tool for international businesses operating in foreign countries. The main research question of the study is concerned with the main indicators of political risk that Chinese corporations may face in the African oil and gas industry. Chinese oil corporations may be affected by political instability, international and internal conflict, corruption, and poor economic and social development in African countries. The political risk they face may be influenced by indicators such as the location of the oil operations, the relative importance of the Chinese oil firm to the host country’s oil industry, the competitive advantage and technical abilities of Chinese oil firms, the support of the Chinese government to state-owned firms, and economic relations that the host government have with China and the oil firm. The study follows a qualitative research approach by way of an empirical case study of the political risk faced by one of China’s national oil corporations, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in South Sudan. A major part of CNPC’s business operations in Sudan was transferred to South Sudan after the country seceded from Sudan in July 2011. The political risk for CNPC in South Sudan is analysed and measured in accordance with an industry-specific political risk model for the oil and gas industry. The study finds that CNPC faces a high level of political risk in South Sudan since independence. An examination of the political risk analysis is done to serve as a basis for answering the main research question. The hostile relationship between South Sudan and Sudan in particular may expose CNPC to high political risk as it led to the shutdown of the oil industry and violent interstate conflict. However, CNPC’s political risk exposure may be mitigated by certain indicators, such as CNPC’s significance in the operation of the South Sudanese oil industry, CNPC’s attributes of being a Chinese state-owned enterprise, the availability of support from the Chinese government in the form of economic cooperation packages and CNPC’s technical abilities in exploration operations. Furthermore, while negative sentiments on the part of the South Sudanese government towards China and CNPC due to the latter’s close relations with Sudan might expose CNPC to high risk, the risk is mitigated by the high level of economic dependency of South Sudan on both China and CNPC. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die laaste dekade het Chinese nasionale oliekorporasies hulle buitelandse direkte beleggings in Afrika uitgebrei. Die politieke omgewing van hierdie lande veroorsaak egter dikwels dat hierdie firmas aan hoë politieke risiko blootgestel word. Omdat politieke dinamiek in gasheerlande die geleenthede en winsgewendheid van beleggings kan affekteer, is die analise van politieke risiko toenemend relevant in die beleggingsbesluitnemingsproses van Chinese oliekorporasies. Die hoof-navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie handel oor die hoofindikatore van politieke risiko waaraan hierdie korporasies in Afrika se olie- en gasindustrie blootgestel kan word. Politieke onstabiliteit, internasionale en nasionale konflik, korrupsie, asook swak ekonomiese en sosiale ontwikkeling in Afrikalande kan Chinese oliekorporasies affekteer. Die politieke risiko waaraan hulle blootgestel word, kan beïnvloed word deur faktore soos die ligging van oliebedrywighede, die relatiewe belangrikheid van die Chinese oliekorporasie vir die gasheerland se olie-industrie, die kompeterende voordeel en tegniese vermoëns van die Chinese oliekorporasies, die Chinese regering se ondersteuning van staatskorporasies en die ekonomiese verhoudings wat die gasheerland met China en die oliefirmas het. Die studie volg ‘n kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenadering by wyse van ‘n empiriese gevallestudie van die politieke risiko waaraan een van China se nasionale oliekorporasies, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in Suid-Soedan blootgestel word. Sedert Suid-Soedan se onafhanklikheidswording in Julie 2011 is die grootste gedeelte van CNPC se bedrywighede in Soedan na Suid-Soedan oorgedra. Die politieke risiko vir CNPC is volgens ‘n industrie-spesifieke politieke risiko-model geanaliseer en bereken. Die studie toon dat CNPC inderdaad aan ‘n hoë vlak van politieke risiko blootgestel is sedert onafhanklikheid. Die politieke risiko-analise word ondersoek ten einde as basis te dien vir die beantwoording van die hoof-navorsingsvraag. In die besonder kan die vyandiggesinde verhouding tussen Suid-Soedan en Soedan CNPC blootstel aan hoë politieke risiko, onder andere vanweë die sluiting van die olie-industrie en die gewelddadige interstaat-konflik wat dit meegebring het. CNPC se blootstelling aan politieke risiko kan egter verminder word deur sekere faktore soos CNPC se beduidende belangrikheid in die bedryf van die Suid-Soedanese olieindustrie, CNPC se kenmerke as ‘n Chinese staatsonderneming, die beskikbaarheid van die ondersteuning van die Chinese regering in die vorm van ekonomiese samewerkingspakette asook CNPC se tegniese vermoëns in die veld van eksplorasiebedrywighede. Alhoewel die negatiewe sentiment in die Suid-Soedanese regering teenoor China en CNPC as gevolg van hulle noue verbintenis met Soedan vir CNPC aan hoë risiko kan blootstel, word hierdie risiko verminder deur Suid-Soedan se hoë vlak van ekonomiese afhanklikheid van CNPC en China.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This report is an evaluation of the impact of the quotas imposed on clothing and textiles imported from China on the clothing and textile manufacturing industry in South Africa. On 28 August 2006 the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the People’s Republic of China concluded a memorandum in terms of which the export of certain tariff lines of the Chinese textile products to South Africa would be administered in accordance with the volumes specified in the memorandum for a period of two years. The fundamental objective of these import quotas was to provide South African clothing and textile firms the space in which to operate, with the aim of improving competitiveness in domestic and export markets in the long run. The Chinese market-share of South African global clothing imports has risen steadily to the mid-2006 level of just under 75 percent. It was claimed that because of the significant growth in imports from China between 63 000 to 67 000 jobs were lost in the domestic clothing and textile industry from March 2003 to September 2006. The effect of the imposition of the quotas is evaluated by comparing the state of the clothing and textile industry in South Africa prior to 2006, that is pre-quota imposition to the state of the industry up to two years after imposition of the quotas. Reference is made to employment in the clothing and textile industry in South Africa, the size of the industry in South Africa, the position of clothing retailers, labour costs and productivity, as well as the competitiveness of the local clothing and textile industry. The comparison shows that the import quotas did not solve the industry’s woes and that the trends prior to the imposition of the quotas continued. It further shows that the imposition of quotas had a detrimental effect on the welfare of consumers in the country. A change of tack for the industry’s policy makers and businesses is proposed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die verslag is ‘n evaluering van die impak van kwotas ingestel op die invoer van klerasie en tekstiele vanuit China op die Suid Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf. Op 28 Augustus 2006 het die regerings van Suid-Afrika en China ‘n memorandum onderteken ingevolge waarvan die uitvoer van sekere Chinese tekstiel-tarieflyne na Suid-Afrika vir ‘n tydperk van twee jaar beperk sou word tot volumes gespesifiseer in die memorandum. Die doel van hierdie kwotas was om aan Suid Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-ondernemings die ruimte te skep om handel te dryf en sodoende hul mededingendheid in beide die plaaslike- en uitvoermarkte te verbeter. Die Chinese markaandeel van Suid-Afrikaanse klere-invoere het geleidelik gestyg tot net onder 75 persent in die middel van 2006. Arbeids-organisasies het aangevoer dat die aansienlike toename in invoere van China daartoe gelei het dat tussen 63 000 en 67 000 werksgeleenthede verlore gegaan het in die plaaslike klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf vanaf Maart 2003 tot September 2006. Die effek van die kwota-instelling word geëvalueer deur die stand van die Suid-Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf voor 2006 - dit wil sê voor die instelling van die kwotas - te vergelyk met die stand van die bedryf vir ‘n tydperk van twee jaar ná die instelling van die kwotas. Verwysings word gemaak na die vlak van indiensneming in die Suid Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf, die grootte van die plaaslike bedryf, die posisie van klere-kleinhandelaars, arbeidskoste en produktiwiteit, asook die mededingendheid van die plaaslike bedryf. Die vergelyking toon dat die invoer-kwotas nie die bedryf verbeter het nie en dat tendense aanwesig voor die instelling van die kwotas steeds voortduur. Bowendien toon dit dat die instelling van die kwotas ‘n nadelige invloed gehad het op die welvaart van Suid-Afrikaanse verbuikers. ‘n Koersverandering vir die bedryf se beleidmakers en besighede word voorgestel.