The aim of this thesis is to create knowledge on discursive formations surrounding literature that is being produced and/or reproduced in Sweden today. This is achieved by studying how the project group members responsible for writing the Gothenburg application to become a UNESCO City of Literature, and other key players involved in this process, argue for the values of literature and why a membership in the UNESCO creative cities network would be beneficial for Gothenburg city, its citizens and the literary field. To this end, both documents related to the process of getting Gothenburg’s candidature approved by UNESCO and interviews with the project group members responsible for writing the application to UNESCO are studied and analyzed. Eight interviews were conducted with members of the project group using a semi-structured qualitative interview methodology. The theoretical framework for this thesis consists of a foucauldian discourse analysis, ideology and studies of institutional logics in Swedish cultural politics. While analyzing the collected material, I was able to identify several dominating discursive formations about literature and literary work, as well as minor, competing discursive formations, that can all be recognized in how Swedish cultural policy have been discussed historically. These are later related to overarching ideological and political structures that are connected to them. Key findings include that literature is portrayed as a human right, as essential to a healthy, sustainable democracy and as something with inherent value. The project group members navigate predominant discursive formations and ideological understandings of literature, creating an environment where literary work is prioritized.

Submitted by Franciele Moreira (francielemoreyra@gmail.com) on 2017-09-22T16:19:33Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Victor Moura Soares Ferreira - 2017.pdf: 4865441 bytes, checksum: 25a6db8cb0770b113997860f4f96cae6 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-09-25T11:41:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Victor Moura Soares Ferreira - 2017.pdf: 4865441 bytes, checksum: 25a6db8cb0770b113997860f4f96cae6 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-25T11:41:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Victor Moura Soares Ferreira - 2017.pdf: 4865441 bytes, checksum: 25a6db8cb0770b113997860f4f96cae6 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The idea of the creative city emerges as the fruit of the post-industrial era, when cities needed to reinvent themselves from a strategic relationship with creativity, specifically with the creative industry and the creative economy. The formulation of those expressions, first raised by the australian government and later by the british, discussed the value of art and culture through those which were possible the creation of jobs and wealth production. The United Nations, through UNCTAD and Unesco, incorporated in their discourses and policies the importance of the development of the urban environment ordered by creativity. Its intention was embodied after the launch of the Unesco Network of Creative Cities in 2004, platform that established a commitment to invest in creativity and culture as a strategic factor for "sustainable" urban development. In order to understand this dynamic that uses culture as an urban management strategy, the Network's research from the perspective of the five Brazilian cities - Florianópolis and Curitiba, with the insertion in 2014, and the cities of Belém, Santos and Salvador, in 2015 - allowed to identify the strategies that configure this program and, also, the nuances of each one. The idea was based on the investigation of application forms, information in electronic media and digital files. The research rethinks that the discourse of the creative city is closer to the image bias, economic and political than the ideal model of a post-industrial city, as some theorists claim. Possibly, the creative city is only a reflection of an image that began in the economy and was diluted in the discourse of managers, possessing the Nation-State as controlling agent. / ideia da cidade criativa surge como fruto da era pós-industrial, época em que as cidades precisavam se reinventar a partir de uma relação estratégica com a criatividade, especificamente com a indústria criativa e a economia criativa. A formulação de tais expressões, colocadas em questão, primeiramente pelo governo australiano e depois pelo britânico, discutiu acerca da valorização da arte e da cultura, por meio das quais eram possíveis a criação de empregos e a geração de riqueza. As Nações Unidas, por meio da UNCTAD e da Unesco, incorporaram, em seus discursos e políticas, a importância do desenvolvimento do meio urbano ordenado pela criatividade. Sua intenção se corporificou após o lançamento da Rede de Cidades Criativas da Unesco, em 2004, plataforma que firmou o compromisso em investir na criatividade e na cultura como fator estratégico para o desenvolvimento urbano “sustentável”. Com o objetivo de compreender essa dinâmica que utiliza a cultura como estratégia de gestão urbana, a investigação da Rede pela perspectiva das cinco cidades brasileiras – Florianópolis e Curitiba, com a inserção em 2014, e as cidades de Belém, Santos e Salvador, em 2015 – permitiu identificar as estratégias que configuram esse programa e, também, as nuances de cada uma. A ideia partiu da averiguação de formulários de candidatura, de informações em meios eletrônicos e arquivos digitais. A investigação faz repensar que o discurso da cidade criativa está mais próximo do viés imagético, econômico e político, do que de um modelo ideal de cidade pós-industrial, como alguns teóricos afirmam. Possivelmente, a cidade criativa seja apenas reflexo de uma imagem, que se iniciou na economia e diluiu-se no discurso de gestores, possuindo o Estado-Nação como agente controlador.

Le développement du vélo en ville constitue aujourd’hui un impératif pour les élus, notamment au regard des injonctions en faveur du développement durable. Dans les années 2000, les dispositifs de vélos en libre service se sont imposés dans la majorité des villes européennes. Si leur développement a été guidé par des considérations écologiques, ces dispositifs valorisent plus généralement l’innovation politico-institutionnelle et le dynamisme économique des villes. Ces dispositifs se sont imposés grâce à des réseaux transnationaux structurés autour de la thématique du vélo. Ces réseaux invitent à considérer les échanges transnationaux comme vecteurs de transformations dans l’action publique urbaine. Les préoccupations pour le développement du vélo ont une histoire qui s’inscrit dans une série d’interactions entre les villes depuis les années 1970. L’analyse de la formation et des effets des réseaux transnationaux du vélo permet de définir des périodes et des régularités dans ces recompositions qui affectent à la fois les politiques du vélo en ville et l’organisation des pouvoirs politiques urbains. Une première période structurée par l’activité transnationale des associations de défense du vélo invite à comprendre le rôle des échanges dans la définition d’un problème public puis sa mise à l’agenda dans l’ensemble des villes européennes au cours des années 1970. Le traitement des problèmes pousse les élus et les agents administratifs à s’investir dans les échanges transnationaux pour construire une nouvelle compétence municipale fondée sur les expertises associatives. Cet investissement des municipalités caractérise la deuxième période, dans laquelle les municipalités s’affirment dans la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques du vélo en institutionnalisant des réseaux de collectivités au cours des années 1980-1990. Enfin, une troisième période s’engage à partir des années 2000 avec l’arrivée des entreprises du mobilier urbain et de l’affichage publicitaire dans les échanges transnationaux. Cet investissement des entreprises engendre une intense circulation des systèmes de vélos en libre service et confronte les élus urbains à l’exercice d’une régulation des relations avec ces grandes firmes, autant dans les interactions transnationales que dans celles qui se déroulent sur les territoires pour la gestion des services urbains. Ces réseaux transnationaux du vélo sont un moyen d’organiser les pouvoirs locaux et de légitimer les élus municipaux dans la conduite de l’action publique urbaine. / Today, development of urban cycling is a must for politicians, particularly considering injunctions in favor of sustainable development. In the 2000s, bike sharing systems emerged in most European cities. If development was guided by ecological considerations, more generally, these services add value to political and institutional innovation and to the economic vitality of cities. Bike sharing systems were imposed thanks to transnational networks around the theme of the bike. These networks invite us to consider transnational exchanges as vectors of change in urban policies. The development of cycling has a history which is the result of many interactions between cities since the 1970s. The analysis of the creation and the effects of bicycle transnational networks allows us to define time periods and patterns in the evolutions that affect both urban cycling policies and organization of urban political power. A first period, structured by transnational activity of urban cyclist associations, helps us to understand the role of these interactions in the definition of a public issue, and of the inclusion of these questions in the agenda of many European cities during the 1970s. Problem solving encourages decision makers to engage in transnational exchanges to build a new municipal jurisdiction based on associative expertise. This municipal investment characterizes the second period, in which municipalities intensify the implementation of cyclist public policies by institutionalizing city networks in the years 1980-1990. Finally, a third period begins in the 2000s, with the appearance of companies in the area of urban furniture and outdoor advertising in transnational exchanges. These firms generate a heavy circulation of bike sharing systems, and pose the question for decision makers how to manage their relationships with these large companies, both on a transnational level and as far as the management of urban services is concerned. These bicycle transnational networks are a way to organize local authorities and to legitimate decision makers in the management of urban public policies.