This study develops a theoretical framework to examine the major dimensions of transformational leadership style (TLS), public service motivation (PSM), organizational citizenship behavior (OCB), and public organization performance (POP). It is hypothesized that when employees perceived a public organization is practicing a transformational leadership style, they are likely to have a favorable view on the performance of their organization, but the effect is indirect and mediated by OCB. At the same time, if employees have a strong desire to serve and improve the welfare of others, they are likely to perform beyond their job requirements and thus, likely to express a positive view on the organizational performance. A structural equation modeling was used to examine 1,016 public employees (67.7% response rate) in the Guadalajara metropolitan area, Mexico i.e., concerning their perceptions about leadership style, motivation to serve in the public sector, citizenship behaviors, and public organizational performance. The results suggest that if Mexican public employees perceived their leaders to adopt a transformational leadership style, they were likely to have a favorable view on the performance of their organization (direct effect); and that, the effect is mediated by their tendency to engage in activities that would contribute to the functioning of the organization without expecting any kinds of reward (indirect effect). In addition, if employees have a strong motivation to serve in the public sector, they are also likely to have a favorable view on the performance of the organization; and that, the positive effect is mediated by their tendency to act for the goodness of other employees and organizations without expecting some form of reward (indirect effect). A multi-group analysis, based on the hypothesized model, revealed the associations varied across three groups: difference between male and female, places of employment within the public sector (i.e., local or state government), and job descriptions or major tasks performed by employees in an organization (i.e., services oriented or administrative role).

The Ontario Grade 10 Civics curriculum reflects Canada’s desire for good citizens. Since Canadian schools have a diverse population, many of whom are immigrants, civics education students from diverse cultural backgrounds deserve attention. This study examines how young Chinese immigrant students who came to Canada experienced the transition from Chinese conceptions of the “good” citizen that they learned in China to Canadian ones. This thesis specifically probes students’ perception of civic responsibility, civic participation, and critical thinking conveyed in the Chinese and Canadian civic education courses, and asks how, if at all, do participants perceive their experiences as Chinese immigrants affecting their Canadian citizenship education experiences? The study included in-depth interviews with Ontario Chinese immigrant students who attended civic education classes at least in Chinese elementary schools and subsequently moved to Canada before the required Ontario grade 10 civics course. The findings generally demonstrate different experiences of Chinese and Canadian citizenship education and indicate Chinese immigrant students’ educational and cultural backgrounds are significant factors influencing their Canadian civic education experiences. These findings have important implications for guiding future Canadian citizenship education practices by better understanding the interests, needs, and values of Chinese immigrant students.

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This study is about how two different indigenous groups in two different places of the enormous border area of the Amazon forest in Brazil (approximately 12,000 km) have been resisting displacement and appropriation, prejudice and pre-conceptualizations, ever since Brazil became Brazil and even before. The ability of these groups to resist, entangled to their capacity to endure in face of the colonization of their ways of living, enacted them to becoming political (Viveiros de Castro 1998; Isin 2002; Starn, de la Cadena 2008; Blaser 2010; de la Cadena 2010) in distinct forms depending on the geographies of relationships, land use and various forms of mobility through border areas they have been living in and within. In looking at these “resistances” and “endurances” at different places, I argue that the fact that a group of Ashaninka people became political by moving to and throughout the border between Brazil and Peru and the many reinventions Macuxi and Wapishana people in the present day Raposa Serra do Sol Indigenous Territory went through for becoming Indigenous peoples at the Brazilian borders with Guyana and Venezuela have corroborated the role of their “existences” in delineating and re-inventing geographical borders by managing the meanings and effects of these very borders on their lives as integral (and integrated) part of the forest. In a general way, it can be said that borders in Brazil came hand in hand with the appearance of the terminology “Indians” in this country, which prompted me to ask what politics emerged out of it. In a particular manner, by looking at how this politics was practiced through the articulation of the indigenous groups mentioned above allowed me to historicize their own stories about the articulation of their existence or permanence in places that coincided with the space of the border amidst the forest. As I begin this dissertation, I will show that the creation of such space meant no coincidence for governments and their legislative instruments, which equalized the space of the border with territories necessary for the expansion of economic frontiers since the 18th century. Also, and most importantly, it will be discussed that these spaces coincided with the spaces where some indigenous groups were living and moving through on a constant basis making the forest what it was but, especially, considering it the integrative space of their worlds of living and articulating relationships. The politics emerging out of the negotiation of this last world - beyond borders - with the world created and limited by the national borders, as according to the actual and contemporary political practices of the abovementioned indigenous groups, is an important part of this study. This politics will be contextualized vis-à-vis the politicization of the Amazon rainforest as a territory of dispute and a region of political possibilities (Escobar 2008) based on life projects (Blaser et al 2004) as opposed to governmental projects. Ultimately, this dissertation is an exercise in understanding how some indigenous groups kept on resisting by living in spaces constantly changed by the advances of economic frontiers that intersected with the production of borders and with the changing policies toward managing the landscapes cut across by these same borders. Opposing the idea of borders as the productive site of affirmation by negation, for the indigenous groups I engaged with in this dissertation borders are an integrated place of relationships to human beings, to other beings and to the forest within them; in other words, a landscape in constant change because of peoples’ action. The mobility of some indigenous groups throughout the forest and their contribution to design landscapes on it as related to a cosmology not centered in the human [although relying on a particular conceptualization of the human] brought to the fore of this research the aspect that there are inter-relations between nature, culture and society that do not correspond to distinctive, visible and hierarchical separation, let alone to the limits of an Indigenous Territory. In this sense, approaching different borders to understanding different indigenous standpoints on them means also approaching new worlds of knowing and living to which all sorts of borders are also imposed, including within the very Indigenous Territory. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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At the current moment, with voter turnout low and mass popular uprisings re-fashioning the political map, questions of political participation and dissent are extremely pressing. In established democracies and newly democratized states alike, an active and potentially dissenting citizenry is often seen as the necessary balance to overreaching state power and unregulated market forces, but scholars struggle to keep abreast of a proliferation of new foci and forms of engagement. This dissertation focuses on the form of collective political engagement enacted at centri sociali occupati autogestiti (occupied, self-managed social centers) or CSOA in Bologna, Italy. As they enact political alternatives through everyday practices of self-management and cultural production, social center participants complicate conventional analytical distinctions between revolution and reform or between individual transformation and larger social change. Through participant observation at three specific centers, interviews with participants and visitors and discourse analysis of recent legislation and policy, the investigator explores the character of social center participants' cultural and political practice, internal organization and decision-making processes, and the heated conflict surrounding social centers in order to discern the opportunities afforded and tensions generated by this form of political engagement. The author argues that CSOA participants experience a form of belonging constructed on the basis of participation rather than ascribed statuses or adherence to shared ideological positions. Furthermore, participants seek to establish an autonomous space wherein key obstacles to participation have been deliberately dismantled or drained of authority in order to render this form of belonging more inclusive. In the shadow of post-9/11 securitization processes at the supra-national, national and local levels aimed at governing migrant mobility and public expressions of dissent, CSOA participants seek to displace the ethnic, religious, linguistic, generational and class-specific norms that define the cultural dimensions of contemporary Italian citizenship. Drawing on the concept of cultural citizenship, the author therefore argues that the political imaginary proposed by CSOA participants represents a deliberate contestation of both the authority and function of state-based citizenship models and can be understood as new model of citizenship characterized by an alternative, less exclusive relationship between belonging and participation.

State borders are often viewed as something faraway that demarcate a country’s frontier; however, whenever a teacher, nurse, social worker, or frontline city worker requires proof of citizenship to access services, they undertake the work of border guards. In Canada and abroad, Sanctuary City policies range from local governments issuing ID cards, schools clandestinely enrolling undocumented students, and domestic abuse shelters refusing entry to the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) conducting raids on their property. This activism and policymaking exemplify a case where municipal policy propels social change and analysis of how urban spatial politics interact with state borders that impede migrants’ access to outreach services. I apply an International Political Sociological (IPS) methodological framework to critically deconstruct academic and public narratives that emphasize the urban and religious character of Sanctuary Cities. Using IPS, I combine political theory that calls for abolishing state borders, critical cartography, and a political theology to deconstruct the foundational texts and mapping methods of critical -border, -citizenship, and -migration studies that research Sanctuary Cities. I argue that these subfields reproduce a narrative that cities, economic globalization, and religious movements are in-of-themselves antithetical to state borders. I challenge this narrative by conceptualizing a seeing like a zone approach to visualize the border in terms of deportation routes, inter-police networks, and how the Immigration Refugee Board (IRB) enacts self-deportations. Using Geographic Information System (GIS), I create six maps depicting CBSA, IRB, and local policing immigration infrastructure used in Ontario for the deportation, imprisonment, trials, and investigation of migrants. These maps and my seeing like a zone approach demonstrate that current Social Scientific literature overlook how Sanctuary Cities are ultimately compatible with state borders. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / Sanctuary City movements involve community activists and stakeholders lobbying municipalities to deliver city services like schooling, local health clinics, or domestic abuse shelters, regardless of a person’s immigration status. Sanctuary helps people evade deportation in their everyday lives. To what extent do Sanctuary Cities challenge state borders? I challenge the conventional way that social scientists look at Sanctuary Cities. First, despite the religious moniker, Sanctuary Cities are a form of human rights activism which relies on state governments to provide migrants rights. Second, scholars assume Sanctuary Cities challenge borders, however, existing mapping methods do not exist to corroborate such claims. I use mapping software to show the different types of state borders that are enforced in Ontario, the home of Toronto’s Sanctuary City. Finally, I argue that Sanctuary and national borders only exist in specific zones (like in schools, clinics, or public transit) as opposed to entire cities or regions.

This thesis investigates the ways in which women’s international migration from Armenia to Turkey is governed by the production and re-production of appropriate feminities and masculinities by macro-level state policies, legal texts and by everyday cultural discourses. Through an analysis of policy documents, legal texts and data collected through interviews with policy makers both in Armenia and Turkey, this thesis shows that gendered norms and rituals are implicated in how states regulate, intervene or simply ignore who are allowed or denied entry. Border regulations are affected and in return discipline the ideas and norms revolving around how the deserving feminine subjects of society should act and think.This thesis demonstrates that in focusing on a South-South migration from the perspective of gender challenges the dominant analysis of International Relations (IR) on migration, which has framed international migration mostly as a question of international security. In contrast, this thesis brings the rich political histories, social contexts and economic concerns – framed by gender, class and racial hierarchies – to bear on the flows of migrant women from Armenia to Turkey. This framework developed here has two important implications for how migration is studied in IR: one, it paints a much more complex picture of state-migrant interactions that goes beyond simplistic security/exclusion claims; and secondly, it allows for a multi-faceted conception of women’s agency. This thesis argues that migrant women develop several methods of managing their identities in order receive acceptance and legitimacy in the context of the gendered regulation of migration by Armenia and Turkey. They actively participate sometimes to challenge their characterization as “illegals”, as immoral mothers and women, and as useless workers. Their relationships with their families, employers, police officers and compatriots are carefully described and analyzed. The findings suggest that migrant women’s experiences are multifaceted and cannot be subsumed under a category of “irregular” migrant. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p> Discrimination in employment still exists in Canada despite legislative attempts to minimize the disparity in treatment of minorities in the workplace. This dissertation examines the possibility of whether deep-level characteristics, such as differences in behaviour, are culturally influenced.</p> <p> Organizational citizenship behaviours (OCB) in the workplace have been a popular area of study for nearly twenty years in the industrial/organizational psychology literature. Research has demonstrated that OCBs can explain variance in job performance over and above that of task performance. While much of the OCB research has focused on the antecedents of OCBs (particularly individual attributes), a handful of cross-cultural and intercultural studies have been conducted with respect to OCBs; however, the type of studies and the findings from these studies have varied widely. Cross-cultural studies have evaluated OCBs in a single non-Western culture, collectivism and individualism as within-culture individual differences and their effects on OCBs, demographic dissimilarity in teams and OCBs, the role of perceptions and the exhibition of OCBs, and the presence and structure of OCB in different countries. From these studies, one can draw few conclusions about the status of national culture as an antecedent of OCB.</p> <p> The main objectives of this study were to investigate whether OCBs are culturally determined (using Vygotsky's sociocultural theory as an underlying basis for this hypothesis and using Hofstede's cultural framework), and whether individual acculturation and gender orientation moderate this relationship. Findings reveal overall that these three variables explain little of the variance in OCBs. None of the moderation hypotheses were supported for individual-level OCBs (OCB-I) or for team-oriented OCBs (OCB-T). Power distance was the only one of Hofstede's cultural dimensions that had relationships (both negative) with OCB-I and OCB-T. Gender orientation and acculturation played more prominent roles as independent variables instead of moderators, though the coefficients were weak. The study also revealed that individual levels of acculturation to Canadian culture may be more of an influencing factor on organizational citizenship behaviours than individual scores on national dimensions. The overall findings show that cultural differences do not have much influence on the exhibition of OCBs within work teams; however, further research must be done to assess the underlying mechanisms of discrimination in the workplace.</p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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