The main purposes of this study were to explore civic consciousness, citizen participation and the influential factors of students of Taipei¡¦s community universities. This study adopted the questionnaire-survey approach. 553 students from six Taipei¡¦s community universities were randomly sampled by the researcher. The instrument for the study: ¡§the Questionnaire of Community Universities Students¡¦ Civic Consciousness and Citizen Participation¡¨ were developed by the researcher and included two scales, one was ¡§the Scale of Civic Consciousness¡¨ and the other was ¡§the Scale of Citizen Participation.¡¨ The methods for data analysis were descriptives, t-test, one-way ANOVA, Pearson product-moment correlation, canonical correlation, and multiple stepwise regression. The following five findings were concluded: 1. Students of Taipei¡¦s community universities had high civic consciousness, but their citizen participation showed the medium participation only. 2. The civic consciousness of students of Taipei¡¦s community universities differed in terms of respondents¡¦ personal variables and community- university variables. 3. The citizen participation of students of Taipei¡¦s community universities differed in terms of respondents¡¦ personal variables and community- university variables. 4. There was significant correlation between students¡¦ civic consciousness and citizen participation they showed. 5. The personal variables, community-university variables and civic consciousness of students of Taipei¡¦s community universities could be effective predictors for students¡¦ level of citizen participation. Finally, some suggestions were raised to the community universities, the students of community universities, and future research.

The China¡¦s aviation market has the hugest potential guest group in the world and the special geographical environment disadvantage developing surface transportation, in addition, the economic reform in recent years effect regional civic aviation market positive significantly. In fact, the China regional civic aviation really had some unprecedented progress, and the regional civic aviation environment also had certain improvement, however, the further development for China regional civic aviation was facing another challenge. The research discovered that, the China regional civic aviation got different character. For example, the China¡¦s northwest area regional civic aviation start more early; The southwest province regional civic aviation develop more quickly; The southeast area regional civic aviation passenger has the high payment ability. In sum, the China regional civic aviation market is ubiquitous, how to choose correct market policy and proper regional civic airplane and the network would lead regional civic aviation to obtain the political and economic benefit

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 279-297).

The ways that young people learn to engage in democratic and other mechanisms for community involvement is a product of how they are socialized into the institutions they inhabit and how they incorporate this socialization into their ongoing construction of identity. In order to become active and agentive members of their society, young people must learn to view themselves as able to productively engage in social practices and social change. Conventional schools are structured in ways that limit opportunities for marginalized students to develop agentive and active social identities. This study suggests that students may construct more agentive identities if they have opportunities to frame their life circumstances and actions in political and historical terms.This project has studied how high school students may construct expanded subject positions as a result of participating in a culturally relevant and explicitly political youth development program. The Project for Conscious Education and Activism (PCEA) incorporates critical and culturally relevant pedagogy with participatory action research. Embedded in a required senior year social studies course, the PCEA provides students a chance to perceive their roles as sociohistorical actors. This two-year ethnographic case study examined shifts in students' academic identities and social agency. Increasing identification with school subject matter fostered intellectual empowerment that often extends beyond the context of school to effect broader social identities. Findings detail the ways that participants can come to see their actions as socially and historically grounded, eventually coming to think of themselves as social actors.Conventional typologies of civic engagement tend to leave out ways that youth of color and those from poor communities resist and address debilitative social disinvestment. But neither do young people tend to think of their actions as constituting social or civic action. Many shifts in subjectivity were apparent as PCEA participants began to frame their actions as intentional intervention in social injustice, becoming "civic" attempts to improve conditions in their communities. As young people learn to see their actions in relation to political and institutional patterns, they may both expand their social agency and increasingly frame their actions as contributing to social justice.

Guided primarily by critical constructivism as the theoretical framework, this dissertation examines the extent to which civic education in Kenya creates dialogic spaces where issues of social difference, peace and democracy are addressed. The participants of the study included four history and government teachers; four Form 1 classes; principals of the two high schools and one curriculum developer. History and government was selected because one of the course’s objectives is to develop responsible and active citizens who would participate in fostering peace and democracy. In this study, peace is conceptualized as the absence of both direct and structural violence, and democracy is conceived, not merely as majority rule, but as exercising one’s opinions where citizens’ contributions influence decisions and have control over public policies that govern their lives. Using observations, interviews and document analysis, the study focuses on pedagogical practices, educators’ and students’ views about civic education in two public schools in Nairobi. The two sites were selected because the students came from diverse social and ethnic backgrounds and the schools offered co-education. Therefore, the schools’ student demographics provided the kind of social differences that are the focus of this study. In the analysis, attention was paid to the official curriculum and the way teachers enacted the curriculum to foster peace and social justice. Findings indicate that although the official curriculum stated the course should foster peace and social justice, the enacted curriculum gravitated towards transmission of facts. Consequently, the enacted curriculum did little to empower students to think critically; it hardly created opportunities to encourage discussion of societal issues that would promote peace and democracy. Several factors such as prescribed official curriculum, standardized examinations, lack of resources, students’ inadequate English skills, and inadequate teacher training influenced and shaped teachers’ pedagogical practices. Despite this, teachers struggled to exercise their agency by navigating through some of these challenges to achieve what they believed were the objectives of the course. These findings pointed to the need of establishing ways of addressing these challenges in order to make civic education more relevant and meaningful to students and to the Kenyan society.

Guided primarily by critical constructivism as the theoretical framework, this dissertation examines the extent to which civic education in Kenya creates dialogic spaces where issues of social difference, peace and democracy are addressed. The participants of the study included four history and government teachers; four Form 1 classes; principals of the two high schools and one curriculum developer. History and government was selected because one of the course’s objectives is to develop responsible and active citizens who would participate in fostering peace and democracy. In this study, peace is conceptualized as the absence of both direct and structural violence, and democracy is conceived, not merely as majority rule, but as exercising one’s opinions where citizens’ contributions influence decisions and have control over public policies that govern their lives. Using observations, interviews and document analysis, the study focuses on pedagogical practices, educators’ and students’ views about civic education in two public schools in Nairobi. The two sites were selected because the students came from diverse social and ethnic backgrounds and the schools offered co-education. Therefore, the schools’ student demographics provided the kind of social differences that are the focus of this study. In the analysis, attention was paid to the official curriculum and the way teachers enacted the curriculum to foster peace and social justice. Findings indicate that although the official curriculum stated the course should foster peace and social justice, the enacted curriculum gravitated towards transmission of facts. Consequently, the enacted curriculum did little to empower students to think critically; it hardly created opportunities to encourage discussion of societal issues that would promote peace and democracy. Several factors such as prescribed official curriculum, standardized examinations, lack of resources, students’ inadequate English skills, and inadequate teacher training influenced and shaped teachers’ pedagogical practices. Despite this, teachers struggled to exercise their agency by navigating through some of these challenges to achieve what they believed were the objectives of the course. These findings pointed to the need of establishing ways of addressing these challenges in order to make civic education more relevant and meaningful to students and to the Kenyan society.

Over the past few decades, the issue of downtown revitalization has been a priority for planners and civic leaders. One strategy of attracting people, jobs and investment to the downtown is by constructing a catalytic facility that facilitates further growth, of which the sports stadium is ???by far??? the most prevalent example (Coates and Humphreys, 2011; p.5). However, the outcome of downtown stadium development has been inconsistent in cities across North America. The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the built urban form impacts the outcome of downtown sports arenas and whether it contributes to civic image. An urban morphological analysis is conducted in order to evaluate the outcome of two multi-purpose sports arenas: Budweiser Gardens in London, ON and Copps Coliseum in Hamilton, ON. The analysis traces the evolution of both cities??? downtown urban form over time, identifying patterns to development by categorizing the townscape into three elements: the town plan unit (consisting of the street pattern, lot pattern and building pattern), the building fabric and land use. The urban morphological analysis was undertaken utilizing fire insurance maps, tax assessments and planning documents. In addition, a questionnaire was distributed to 200 residents of both case cities in order to gauge each facility's contribution to civic image. The results show that Budweiser Gardens has emerged as the more successful facility, namely due to two factors: (a) the arena is sited close to the central business district, in an area where the historical townscape has been preserved to a greater extent; and (b) because the unique design of the facility (which incorporates a replica of a historic building into the contemporary development) contributes to a higher degree of civic image than Copps Coliseum, which lacks both historic and current place references. The ultimate conclusion of this thesis is that urban morphological analyses should be incorporated into urban plans, so that the siting of future projects can be improved in order for cities to accrue the maximum benefits and return-on-investment.

No description available.

The term, ‘civic deficit’, has been used to describe a situation in which a significant proportion of Australian citizens display low levels of knowledge and understanding of, and low levels of engagement with, Australian political and constitutional arrangements. This civic deficit has attracted increased attention by governments, policy makers, and the broad educational community within Australia in recent years. The Report of the Civics Expert Group (1994) identified school education as a major site in which to address this deficit, and the past decade has seen increased emphasis on civics and citizenship education in Australian schools. The thesis critically examines the role of civics and citizenship within Australia secondary schools. It does this, not purely from an educational perspective, but from within the broader context of the contemporary Australian political system. This thesis regards citizenship as inherently a political concept, and develops the notion of democratic citizenship as the most significant element of this. It is argued that democratic citizens are more than merely knowledgeable about their nation’s democratic traditions, government institutions and constitutional arrangements. While these elements of civics and citizenship education have a role, democratic citizens are genuine members of their political community. It is argues that they are inquisitive participants in that community.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1954. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [234]-240).