The purpose of this study is to explore the biography of a white, Southern Baptist-reared Clarence Jordan and his goals in the creation of Koinonia Farm. This thesis explicitly evaluates these motives through the examination of archival material—specifically Jordan’s sermons and speeches—that uncovers Jordan’s own words and testimony. This thesis answers the following questions: (1) What was Clarence Jordan’s aim in founding Koinonia Farm and continuing to implement it over time? (2) How did he go about methodically achieving his aim? And (3) How effectively were the objectives achieved as reflected in measurable outcomes—did Jordan’s sermons frame his position so as to make Koinonia Farm work over its lifetime? Additionally, this thesis challenges the methods of Clarence Jordan and Koinonia Farm in the way they employ the agricultural and industrial educational models as a means of liberation and uplift for African Americans and poor whites in Sumter County, Georgia. / Master of Science

<p dir="ltr">This dissertation argues that the use of rainbow imagery to describe efforts to bridge racial divides both inside and outside social justice campaigns became tied to concepts of economic justice in the 1960s but lost its radicalism following the failed presidential bids of Jesse Jackson in the 1980s. Conventional narratives analyze these multiracial campaigns —organized by figures as diverse as W.E.B. Du Bois in 1911, Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Black Panther Party in the civil rights era of the 1960s, and Jesse Jackson in the 1980s —as separate, isolated efforts. My research, however, examines the origins and trajectory of what I term “racial rainbow rhetoric,” —the use of rainbow imagery to describe racial difference in the United States, usually with the aspiration of overcoming these racial divisions – to underscore meaningful conceptual continuities in twentieth-century campaigns for social and economic justice.<i> </i>Although racial rainbow rhetoric did not initially emphasize economic justice activism, throughout the 1960s, activists increasingly used rainbow imagery to build interracial coalitions to attack poverty. This dissertation traces the history of racial rainbow rhetoric from its obscure origins in the early twentieth century to its intersection with the anti-poverty activism of the Poor People’s Campaign and the Black Panther Party to its appropriation by liberal politicians, such as Jesse Jackson in the 1980s. This history of rainbow symbolism in the struggle for racial justice demonstrates the longstanding and continuing damage that state violence and the cooptation of such concepts by indifferent, liberal politicians had on the implementation of genuine economic and social justice.</p>

My dissertation addresses the phenomenon of stranger danger to children and tries to answer the question of how the category of sex offender has been produced to become the primary target in contemporary sex crime control. I examine the period from the 1960s through the 1990s, the period beginning with the rising awareness of child abuse and criminal and psychiatric patient rights challenges to preventive confinement and ending with institutionalizing the regime of sex offender risk management. I attend particularly to psychological techniques that were designed and used to produce sex offender categories, by focusing on three interconnected dimensions: first, the formation of a new discipline of forensic psychology in the crime control area; second, the methods of knowledge production about sex offenders; and third, the institutional aspects of crime control centered on repeat stranger offenders. This dissertation examines the shaping of risk as a value-laden cultural product, involving the identification of risks to be managed, the selection of risk factors, and the decisions of "acceptable" levels of risk. In engaging in conversation about ongoing policy issues, my work intends to go beyond the opposition between civil rights and public safety to understand how the politics of crime control came to center on the dangerous stranger, a center around which the two political values of rights and safety have collided and been negotiated. I provide a genealogy of actuarial risk management and situate its origins in relation to the civil rights revolution. By examining the shift from psychiatric dangerousness prediction to psychological risk management, I argue that the risk management regime is an outgrowth of psychologists' attempts to accommodate civil rights claims in a broader context where socio-cultural tensions over the changing family values have zeroed in on stranger danger. While psychologists initially promoted actuarial justice as a rational method of balancing conflicting social values, its implementation was dictated by institutional demands for efficiency in regulating an increasing number of sex offenders. Risk management technologies led to the mutual reproduction of crime data and criminal populations at risk of reoffense, which contributed to the expansion of populations under criminal supervision. / Ph. D.

From 1959 -1964, the Prince Edward County, VA School Board closed down its public schools to circumvent the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court ruling declaring separate public schools for Black and White students "inherently unequal" and the 1955 Brown II ruling to desegregate public schools with "all deliberate speed." For five years, more than 1700 African American children received no public education in the county, as White children attended a newly-constructed and private Prince Edward Academy. While some students left Prince Edward to reside with relatives, others were placed with families by the American Friends Service Committee. However, the majority of Black children remained in the county without formalized public instruction. This study investigated the perceived impact of The Closing on adult self-directed learning, lifelong learning, occupational choices and success within a family with sixteen of its twenty-one children forced from school. Via audio-/video-taped interviews, three participants reflected upon their "lived experiences" during and since The Closing. Transcribed data were coded and analyzed based upon the major and underlying research questions guiding the study. Nine major conclusions were drawn from its findings: (a) The Closing perceivably impacted immediate educational goals of participants differently, (b) The Closing perceivably impacted specific and general long-range educational goals, (c) Participants have pursued educational goals via supportive spouses/family members and adult self-directed/lifelong learning measures, (d) Following the re-opening of schools, all respondents graduated high school, and two later enrolled in academic learning centers, (e) Self-directed learning has played an essential role in the lives of all participants, (f) All participants considered themselves life-long learners, (g) The Closing perceivably impacted the career plans of one participant, (h) Respondents acquired manufacturing and/or labor positions and were successfully employed throughout their adult lives, (i) Literacy assistance from family members, self-directed learning, on-the-job training and formalized coursework were perceived as having had a positive bearing on occupational success. The implications of this study suggested resiliency, family dynamics, family values, and narratological significance. Study participants, driven to live productive and successful lives, appeared to have emulated Adult Learning Theory tenets of self-directed, lifelong quests for formally-delivered and informally-acquired knowledge. Recommendations emerging from this study included investigations of School Closing survivors' motivations for adult learning, the role of faith in Closing survivors' lives, The Closing's perceived impact on the Next Generation, ancestral discourse, male birth order relationships, 1951 strikers' guilt, education vs. vocation and growth under adversity. / Ph. D.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY The purpose of the study was to determine how many school divisions in the Commonwealth of Virginia had adequate policies which addressed sexual harassment specifically and to determine why school divisions had either developed or failed to develop such policies. An additional purpose was the development of a paradigm to guide school divisions in the construction of policy governing sexual harassment. PROCEDURE All 133 superintendents in Virginia were identified and 119 superintendents participated in the study. Data were collected using a survey questionnaire and copies of policies were requested. All survey data were analyzed using crosstabulation commands on the App-Stat statistical package. Policies which were returned were analyzed in comparison to evaluation criteria taken from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) Guidelines that prohibit sexual harassment and from the research of sample policies from the public and private sectors. CONCLUSIONS 1. Sixty-eight percent of the school divisions in the Commonwealth indicated they did not have policies and/or administrative regulations which specifically prohibit sexual harassment. 2. Thirty-four of the 81 school divisions in Virginia which did not have sexual harassment policies indicated they were aware of the need for such policy. Twenty of the respondents indicated they had other policies which they believed adequately addressed sexual harassment, and fourteen of the respondents indicated they were developing such policy. 3. Most school divisions that had developed policies had done so because they were aware of their liability or the possibility of litigation. 4. Most policies were inadequate in that they failed to communicate that employers were serious about sexual harassment or they failed to indicate that employees would be made aware of sexually harassing behaviors through awareness training. / Ed. D.

No description available.

Federal interference in the battle for states’ rights in Mississippi during the 1950s and 60s birthed a civil rights movement that made the Department of Agriculture its main opposition. Alongside state-sanctioned organizations like the Citizens’ Council and the Sovereignty Commission, the USDA used their resources to deter civil rights groups, black farmers, and black agents alike from protesting against segregationist policies. Mississippi Mud uses agriculture as a lens to illustrate how the USDA’s refusal to denounce Jim Crow, especially after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, led to black farmers and extension agents pursuing legal action against the Cooperative Extension Service, alleging racial discrimination that impacted black farmers and extension agents throughout the state. Because of this, black Mississippians turned their sights to dismantling the state’s dual system of higher education based on de jure—legally recognized and enforced—segregation. In Mississippi’s agricultural history, this dissertation situates its story within a larger narrative of agrisocial reform.

World War II had a dramatic impact on Americans, including Mexican Americans in Arizona. It challenged families and communities to make sacrifices during wartime. Mexican Americans served in large numbers and with distinction in the war, and after it ended they sought to defend their rights as Americans, and to eliminate the discriminatory behavior and acts that kept them within ethnic boundaries. The segregation at Tempe Beach, the “brilliant star in Tempe’s crown,” and its “No Mexicans Allowed” policy, initiated in 1923, was one of them. Another ethnic boundary was the segregated housing policy for veterans established by the City of Phoenix in 1946. In Tempe and Phoenix, the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) Council 110, led by Placida Garcia Smith, and the American Legion Thunderbird Post 41, led by Ray Martinez, were at the front lines in the fight against racism and discrimination in the 1940s. Mexican Americans confronted public elected officials over racist practices and policies of exclusion, and utilized the court system to provide them equal justice under the law. They exercised their right to seek equality after years of segregation, and to secure their civil rights as Americans. Their actions are examples of American-style civic activism, a devotion to the United States and the ideals of freedom and democracy. The search for that freedom and holding the government accountable to its laws and ideals are what drove LULAC Council 110 and American Legion Thunderbird Post 41 as they organized and agitated for the civil rights of Mexican Americans in Tempe and Phoenix during the 1940s.

Civil rights commemorative boulevards are an increasingly important method of framing African American community revitalization and persistent historical inequities. Often underlying planning efforts to revitalize segregated African American neighborhoods, these boulevards are one important change mechanism for realizing equitable development and challenging structural racism. This thesis demonstrates the central importance of these commemorative boulevards in framing redevelopment and maintaining community resolve during the long struggle for revitalization

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