Part I. Previous analyses of samples of women in the 1950's revealed that intentions for further births were affected by the sex of the previous children. More recent analyses found however that the effect of previous childrens' sex on fertility intentions has either diminished or disappeared completely, and some writers on the subject concluded that the decline in family size norms could account for that finding. The research reported herein, using samples of married women interviewed in the 1965 and 1970 National Fertility Studies, shows that at least among women with two children there has been no change over time in the tendency for mothers of similar sex children to be more likely to want an additional child than mothers of opposite sex children. The persistence of that tendency among mothers of two children argues strongly for including the sex of previous children as an independent variable in models of fertility intentions, since the decline in family size norms makes factors which affect the decision to have (or not have) a third child increasingly important. Part II. Since Stouffer's pioneering effort to ascertain the public's intolerance of various nonconformists, numerous researchers have relied on summary measures and scales to investigate intolerance and have stressed the effects of such general processes as aging and education on such measures. Parallel analyses of four of Stouffer's original items that were recently replicated and of four items included in the 1958 and 1971 Detroit Area Studies schedules indicates however that the use of such summary measures or scales is unjustified and that the processes of education and aging alone are inadequate in explaining changes in intolerance over time. While a small proportion of both samples are consistently (and perhaps ideologically) tolerant or intolerant in their responses to both sets of items, most respond situationally to the items and changes in tolerant and intolerant responses over time vary according to the item considered. Differential change by color in the Detroit sample suggests that short term and less predictable period effects must be considered (along with such general processes as aging and education) in explaining the level of intolerance at any given time, and changes in that level over time. Part III. An analysis of juveniles attending six Arizona high schools in the fall of 1975 shows that how homes were disrupted (by death, divorce or separation, or some other reason) has little impact on delinquent behavior and referrals to court, but whether homes were broken had a strong and consistent effect on both. Further, whereas it was the absence of a mother or father which affected the juveniles' delinquent behavior, it was the absence of a mother (but not a father) which affected their being referred to court.

published_or_final_version / Urban Planning / Master / Master of Science in Urban Planning

Building codes are socio-technical regulations that govern the manner in which the built world is designed, constructed, and maintained. Instituted in order to protect the health, safety, and welfare of humans in the built world, codes also serve as an index of always changing societal values. If codes do not co-evolve with social values, however, they often perpetuate standards that no longer reflect the priorities of mainstream society. As crises arise and as cultural practices change, regulatory institutions are charged with creating new or amend old codes to reflect these societal shifts. Emergent social values are often dismissed by the general public, misrepresented by their political representatives, or abstracted by the louder voices of the market and the state. In a few critical moments in modern history, however, society successfully adopted and institutionalized previously underrepresented values into urban form. Social movements provide a primary venue for such paradigmatic change. They do this through the production of new knowledge that aims to alter the cognitive praxis of its citizenry and to generate the momentum required to codify grassroots ideals into the built world. Exploring how this confluence of socio-technical innovation functions within the built world, this dissertation addresses the primary research question: What is the relationship between urban social movements, the values they espouse, the building codes they construct, and the liberative function of the spaces produced? In this dissertation, I investigate three established and one emerging social movement to discern the characteristics of democratic code formation that lead to civic urban form. These four case studies are analyzed in terms of their origins, the claims made, strategies employed, and outcomes achieved. Patterns are then extrapolated from this analysis to identify qualities of collective action that contribute to the codification of civic urban form. The research discussed herein was conducted in two phases to develop a historical base from which to evaluate contemporary efforts to codify civic urban form. The first phase of this exploratory investigation tells the story of three intrinsically valuable, but also comparable case studies of social change in the United States: the community development strategy pursued by the civil rights movement, the architectural accessibility platform advocated by the disability rights movement, and efforts to institutionalize new building practices through voluntary building assessment systems by the environmental movement. The second phase extrapolates patterns from the established cases to inform the investigation of proto-movements currently coalescing around issues of spatial justice. Both phases are then reflected upon in order to propose a theory of civic urban form that recognizes the dialectic between social movements, emergent social values, building codes, and the physical spaces they inform. The thesis statement underlying this dissertation is that urban social movements in the U.S. require a myriad of different activist organizations— radical and mainstream, professional and grassroots— to simultaneously employ diverse strategies through an integrated frame of collective action in order to institutionalize new types of civic urban form. Based on the theoretical framework developed to conceptualize the production of civic urban form, I go on to argue in the concluding chapters that urban social movements currently seeking various means to codify the tenets of sustainable development in the United States might benefit from couching their collective actions within an integrated action frame of spatial justice. / text

<p>The advent of the supreme Constitution signaled the beginning of an era during which the South African legal system must be intolerant to human rights violations. All laws and conduct must conform to the Constitution. If it does not then the law or conduct must be declared invalid to the extent that it is inconsistent with the Constitution. This paper questions the constitutionality of the use of deadly force against a fleeing suspect in terms of section 49 of the Criminal Procedure Act. In particular this paper sets out the circumstances in which section 49 justifies the use of deadly force against fugitives.</p>

This study explores the underlying causes and deterrent control mechanisms of police misconduct in the United States. Outcomes of causes and control mechanisms constitute the basis for an applicable model for the Turkish National Police (TNP). Why is some police behavior deviate? What are the main determinants of police misconduct? Is police misconduct a result of sociological behavior and subcultural development within police organizations or a psychological behavior as an outcome of officers' personal traits? What are the control mechanisms for police misconduct? What are their strengths and weaknesses? Do they deter or not? Is there a control mechanism that deters better than others? What is the best deterrence model for the TNP?

Using data for 93 countries from 1972 through 2001 in cross-national analysis, this study compares the relative economic strength of a country's middle-class with its civil liberties performance and its history of domestic and external conflict. For purposes of this analysis, the relative strength of a country's middle-class is determined by multiplying the square root of a country's gross domestic product per capita by the percentage of income distributed to the middle 60 % of the population (middle class income share). Comparisons between this measure of per capita income distributed (PCID) and several other indicators show the strength of the relationship between PCID and civil liberties performance and domestic and external conflict. In the same manner, comparisons are made for the middle class income share (MCIS) alone. The countries are also divided by level of PCID into 3 world classes of 31 countries each for additional comparisons. In tests using bivariate correlations, the relationships between PCID and MCIS are statistically significant with better civil liberties performance and fewer internal conflicts. With multivariate regression the relationship between PCID and civil liberties performance is statistically significant but not for PCID and internal conflict. As expected, in both correlations and regression between PCID and external conflict, variables related to power dominate. However, when the countries are divided into world classes by level of PCID, the eleven countries with the highest level of PCID have had no internal or external conflict since 1972. Moreover, there is no within group conflict for countries in either the upper or middle classes of countries based on their level of PCID. The between group conflict does include democracies.

This thesis examines the impact of the 1862 and 1890 Morrill Acts on Virginia’s public higher education system. While the Morrill Acts, issued by the federal government, expanded access to higher education for all Americans, they also resulted in the entrenchment of segregation in seventeen different state public higher education systems. The segregated public higher education systems in Virginia and elsewhere led to inequality in the higher education available to African Americans students, compared with the higher education available to white students within these states. This thesis will address the disparity, brought about by unequal funding of institutions based upon race, which Virginia’s state government policy exacerbated, from 1872 to 1953. It will analyze the difference between the funding and program availability at Virginia Tech, designated to educate white students, compared with Virginia State University, which was the public institution designated to educate African American students during this period.

This thesis is a history of social and political activism in Charlottesville during the 1960s focusing on new left student organizing at the University of Virginia. It is a work of social history that establishes a community that has been generally ignored in traditional histories of the new left as one of the most influential centers of new left activism in the South and asserts that this prominence was due to years of activism by local liberals, civil rights advocates, and students during the city's unique experiences on the front lines of the southern desegregation, civil rights, and anti-war struggles. It traces the evolution of social activism in the city and the university from the late 1950s through the early 1970s and demonstrates how local activists and issues interacted with regional, national, and global events during one of the most socially tumultuous decades in American history.

The present DPhil research attempts to develop an appropriate method for the historiography of ideas by taking into consideration cultural, linguistic and socio-political limitations and obstacles to free thinking in a predominantly closed society like Qajar Iran. By applying such a method the study then investigates the history of the idea of freedom in Iran during one of the most important periods in the evolution of this concept. The research method is grounded in a hermeneutical interpretation of Collingwood's logic of question and answer. It also employs MacCallum's meta-theoretical frame of analysis which states that freedom is always of something (an agent or agents), from something (conditions), to do something (actions). Using this methodological framework, the research shows how most locutions about freedom uttered in the last century of the Qajar period were formed within the horizon of the question of decline and were somehow related to remedy such situations. It then explores how late Qajar interpretations of the three variables of freedom manifest themselves in the socio-political life of early 20th century Iran. During the first constitutional period (August 1906-June 1908), the major concern of the first majlis was to establish the rule of law. In legislating the constitution and its supplement, the majority of the majlis believed that the main obstacle to freedom was arbitrary rule. Therefore, they endeavoured to restrain the government’s illegal and arbitrary interferences in the people's freedom. However, they did not develop a rational criterion for identifying legitimate and justifiable legal interferences. During the second constitutional period (July 1909– February 1921), the main concern of the second majlis was to restrain chaos and to strengthen the central government in order to put an end to domestic insecurity and foreign threats. To rectify such a situation, the majlis empowered the government to interfere even in the freedoms guaranteed by the constitution. As a result, the situation began to turn from chaos towards arbitrary rule. The research also argues that in most of their interpretations of the aim of freedom, constitutionalists considered an action permissible only if it was compatible with public interest as well as the material and spiritual progress of individuals and society. Theoretically, the aim of freedom could not have been the doing of an action that harmed another person or violated his/her freedom. Furthermore, 'the right to be wrong,' even if it harmed no one, was never defended. Nonetheless, in practice, freedom turned into chaos and licence in both the first and in the second constitutional periods. Finally, this study investigates how the Iranian pioneers of the freedom-seeking movement responded to the question of the eligibility of the agent of freedom, and the question of the equality of agents in having freedom. Iranian society was taking its first steps in experiencing the rule of law and had a long way to go to rectify its discriminatory culture and to establish equal rights. In such conditions, accepting a set of equal fundamental rights for all Iranians should be considered a great achievement for the constitutional movement.

En 1948 le Président Harry S Truman signe le "Women’s Armed Services Integration Act". Cette loi est en fait le fait d’armes de Margaret Chase Smith, sénatrice et représentante de l’état du Maine. En 1948, à travers le" Women’s Armed Services Integration Act" Madame Smith met en avant ces milliers de femmes qui, après l’enrôlement obligatoire pour cause de deuxième guerre mondiale, voient en l’armée une nouvelle carrière qui s’ouvre à elles. Seule femme ayant été élue, sous la bannière républicaine, à la Chambre des représentants et au Sénat de son propre chef, Margaret Chase Smith rencontre le sénateur Joseph McCarthy, « grand ordonnateur » des audiences du HUAC dans les années 50, lors d’un dîner informel. Les Américaines s’organisent aussi pour leurs droits, sur le plan syndical les années 50 peuvent bien être la “missing wave” clamée par l’historienne Dorothy Sue Cobble. Cette thèse, ayant pour toile de fond l’étude de cas de deux cents femmes interrogées par le HUAC de McCarthy, met en lumière, de façon significative, les individus et les militantes, femmes réelles qui sont les principales protagonistes des changements historiques, notamment une égalité à travers le Civil Rights Act de 1964. Comme la « micro histoire » de l’école italienne dont les chercheurs étudient ces nouveaux acteurs de l’Histoire, appelés de manière suggestive « les gens ordinaires », ce présent travail sur le maccarthysme se penche sur des individus représentatifs de leur genre, de leur race et de leur combat. Ainsi, cette démarche s’inscrit dans la perspective de la Nouvelle Histoire que le Professeur Paul-Marie Veyne définit comme représentative des « dimensions collectives de l’individu. » Les audiences du HUAC et de McCarthy, tenues de 1950 à 1954, dévoilent les histoires de divers citoyens, plus précisément de citoyennes obligées de se démener pour améliorer leur condition de vie. Mille trois cent cinquante-deux livres, trois cent douze articles de Presse et une centaine d’articles universitaires portant sur le maccarthysme peuvent être répertoriés de nos jours, mais rares, sinon aucune de ces analyses ne mettent en avant le rôle des femmes appelées devant le HUAC et les Commissions d’enquête sur le communisme dans les années McCarthy... / In 1948 President Harry S Truman signed the "Women's Armed Services Integration Act". This law is in fact an exploit of Senator Margaret Chase Smith, representing the state of Maine. In 1948, through the "Women's Armed Services Integration Act", Mrs Smith proposed a career to those thousands of women who saw in the army a new horizon. Only woman having been elected under the Republican banner, in the House of Representatives and the Senate, Margaret Chase Smith met Senator Joseph McCarthy, at the head of the HUAC in the Fifties. While servicewomen benefited from the" Women's Armed Services Integration Act", the other american women organized for their rights, especially through trade unions. Feminine activism was alive in the Fifties which can be seen as the “missing wave” coined by historian Dorothy Sue Cobble. This thesis, having as background the case study of some 200 women, sheds light on individuals, real women who were the main characters of historical change, namely an equality achieved through the Civil Rights Act. As the “micro histoire” of the Italian school whose researchers study these new actors of history, called “ordinary people”, this present work on McCarthyism leans on individuals representative of their gender, their race and their fight. Thus, this approach falls under the prospect for New History which Professor Paul-Marie Veyne defines as representative of “collective dimensions of the individual.” The investigations of HUAC presided by McCarthy, in the Fifties, reveal the stories of various citizens, especially women always in a struggle to lead a better life. One thousand three hundred and fifty-two books, three hundred and twelve newspaper articles and a hundred university articles concerning McCarthyism can be listed, but scarcely, if not none, of deal with the role of women called before the HUAC and the Committees of inquiry on Communism in the McCarthy years...