Conflict between returning and non-migrant populations is a pervasive yet frequently overlooked issue in post-conflict societies. While scholars have demonstrated how out-migration can exacerbate civil war, less is understood about what happens when the same populations return. This dissertation interrogates how legacies of forced migration influence conflict dynamics in countries-of-origin. I argue that return migration creates new social divisions in local communities based on where individuals lived during the war – in-country or abroad. These new cleavages become sources of conflict when institutions – like land codes, citizenship regimes, or language laws – provide differential outcomes to individuals based on their migration history. Using ethnographic evidence gathered in Burundi and Tanzania between 2014 and 2016, I demonstrate how refugee return to Burundi after the country’s 1993-2003 civil war created new identity divisions between so-called rapatriés and résidents. Local institutions governing land disputes hardened competition between these groups, leading to widespread, violent, local conflict. Consequently, when Burundi faced a national-level political crisis in 2015, prior experiences of return shaped both the character and timing of renewed refugee flight. By illuminating the role of reverse population movements in shaping future conflict, this study demonstrates why breaking the cycle of return and repeat migration is essential to conflict prevention.

This dissertation interrogates writers’ references to “constancy” during the English civil wars, reading the debate surrounding this vexed and multifarious term as indicative of a broader examination of constancy as a concept. Through generic case studies of the emblem book, prose romance, epic, and country house poem, I show how writers used constancy’s semantic and contextual slippage to participate in key debates of the civil wars; Hester Pulter, Percy Herbert, John Milton, Thomas Carew, Mildmay Fane, and Andrew Marvell deploy constancy as they intervene in civil war polemic surrounding kingship, property ownership, liturgy, and England’s relationship with the wider world. These cases, I argue, show the interaction between writers’ reevaluation of constancy and their reevaluation of inherited literary traditions. In interrogating constancy, writers articulate and even inspire innovation in literary genre, thereby demonstrating not the destruction of literary form during the civil wars, but writers’ ability to accommodate established literary tradition to dynamic religiopolitical circumstances.

Within the body of scholarly interpretation of the British Civil Wars (1642-1651), there is an absence of research into the politicisation of rituals of power and the struggle between monarchy, parliament, and the army to command these symbolic forms of authority. My thesis examines the performances of rituals as the methodical enforcement of political authority during the First Civil War (1642-1646). In synthesising notions of court culture and performances of political discourse, it traces the constriction of royal ritual, parliamentary subversion of monarchical rituals, and the rise of politico-military ritual, culminating with Charles I’s surrender on 5 May 1646. Situated within existing interdisciplinary research that explores the communication and image of power, this thesis examines (1) the battle to control symbols of political power, (2) polemical interpretations of the conflicting use and ownership of these performatives, (3) the efficacy of these performative acts among a divided public. It highlights the ways in which such performances limited the public to the role of audience, despite the apparent inclusiveness of many ritualised events. This enables a close reading of ritual performances and the subsequent literature produced around the events. It also calls upon the close reading of literary and non-literary texts that can be described as ‘virtual performances’ of ritual, most notably Charles’ royal entry into London (1641), and the funeral of the third Earl of Essex (1646).

Spain in My Heart: Songs of the Spanish Civil War. 2014. Written and compiled by Jürgen Schebera. Bear Family Records, book, CDs (7), DVD, BCD 16093.

This dissertation is a social and cultural history about the ways that African Americans contributed to national debates about race, slavery, and emancipation by constructing and performing their own representations of slavery for the public. Scholars often portray these larger debates as a contest of ideas among whites, but African Americans played an important and still understudied role in shaping the white public’s understandings of race and slavery throughout the nineteenth century, especially in the North. Moving from from the 1830s to the early 1900s, my dissertation identifies several critical moments when African Americans, especially former slaves, gained new access to the public stage and seized opportunities to represent their own identities, histories, and experiences in different forums. Chapter One focuses on the unique contribution that fugitive slave activists made to the abolition movement. I place the published slave narratives in a larger performative context that includes public appearances and speeches; singing and dramatic readings; and oral testimony given in more private settings. In contrast to the sympathetic but frequently disempowering rhetoric of white abolitionists, fugitive activists used their performances to construct a positive representation of black manhood and womanhood that showed slaves not as benevolent objects in need of rescue but as strong men and women ready to enter freedom on equal terms. Chapter Two focuses on the Civil War, when runaway slaves had new opportunities to communicate their understandings of slavery and freedom to the Northerners who sent south during the war, as soldiers, missionaries, and aid workers. “Contraband” slaves’ testimony revealed the prevalence of violence and family separation, as well as slaves’ willingness to endure great hardship in pursuit of freedom. Contraband men and women also worked to publicly assert their new identities as freedpeople when they preemptively claimed the rights of citizenship and power over their own bodies. Their testimony and actions challenged white Northerners to embrace emancipation as an explicit Union war aim. Chapter Three of my dissertation examines black performance on the formal stage, 1865-1890s, by focusing on three groups of black performers: African American minstrels, the Hyers Sisters Dramatic Company, and the Fisk Jubilee Singers. Capitalizing on Northerners’ increased interest in slavery and “authentic” black performers, these groups offered their own representations of slavery and emancipation to the public, sometimes disrupting whites’ romanticized image of the “old plantation” in the process. During an era when the country moved toward reconciliation and reunion, these performances kept the issue of slavery before the public and, in some cases, contributed to an emancipationist memory of the war which challenged contemporary Northerners to protect the rights of freedpeople. My final chapter focuses on the autobiographies written and published by formerly enslaved women post-1865. My analysis of the women’s narratives as a body of work challenges the prevailing notion that post-bellum slave narratives were focused on regional reconciliation and the writer’s successful life in freedom. Women writers continued to remember and represent slavery as a brutal institution and revealed the ways that it continued to shape their lives in freedom, challenging contemporary images of the “old plantation” and devoted, self-sacrificing “Mammy.” Through their writing, these women represented African American women as central actors in stories of resistance, survival, and self-emancipation. With sustained attention to the deeply gendered nature of these representations, my dissertation sheds new light on the unique ways that African American women participated in these larger social debates and contributed to the public’s understanding of race and slavery before, during, and after the Civil War. Moving beyond the traditional periodization of U.S. slavery and emancipation and the typical focus on actors within a single, organized social movement, my project uncovers the breadth and diversity of African Americans’ public representations of slavery and freedom in contexts that were simultaneously social, cultural, and political. Using a broad range of published and unpublished archival materials, my work reveals African Americans’ distinct contribution to national debates regarding slavery’s place in the nation and the future of the men and women held within it.

No description available.

Early in the Civil War, the Union Army drove pro-southern Missouri leaders and their followers into Arkansas, and the state fell under Federal occupation. However, many people of southern sympathies remained in Missouri, and between 1862 and 1864 Confederate forces launched four large scale cavalry raids into the state from their Arkansas bases. Major General Sterling Price, C. S. A., led the fourth and largest of these raids, September through November, 1864. An ex-Governor of Missouri, Sterling Price was the truly representative figurehead of the state's Confederate element. Throughout the war, he constantly believed that an oppressed, hidden majority of Missourians restlessly awaited the day when they could free themselves from Federal domination. Fearing that the Confederate cause was nearly lost, Price and his followers hoped to revive the hearts of southern sympathizers by a raid into Missouri. Political and military circumstances motivated General E. K. Smith, commander of the South's Trans-Mississippi Department, to authorize the expedition, and in September 1864 Price entered Missouri at the head of a 12,000 man cavalry force. Price's expedition was a total fiasco. The expected uprising did not occur, and most of the 5,000 men who joined Price subsequently deserted. After suffering a crushing defeat at Pilot Knob, Missouri, Price's army moved across the central part of the state, and the invasion that was meant to redeem Missouri for the Confederacy turned into a chaotic, large-scale looting expedition. After being routed at Westport, Missouri, on October 23, Price's army fled south and subsequently disintegrated. The expedition was basically an expression of the South's desperate desire in the fall of 1864 for a smashing victory that would change the tide of the war. However, the expedition's total failure weakened the South's Trans- Mississippi forces to such a degree that no major campaigns occurred in that department for the last six months of the war.

acase@tulane.edu

Cette thèse doctorale analyse la représentation de la guerre civile espagnole dans les bandes dessinées publiées en Espagne et dans le reste du monde entre 1976 et 2015, soit environ 350œuvres et un peu plus de 7000 pages consacrées au conflit. La spécificité du média et la taille du corpus imposent un retour théorique sur la communication par la bande dessinée, sur sa transmission du sens et sur ses modes de confrontation des représentations de l'auteur et du lecteur. Ceci conduit à proposer une méthode standardisée d'analyse statistique fondée sur un vocabulaire et une grammaire de l'image spécifiques au contenu traité, analogue à la lexicométrie pour le texte. Les résultats structurent le corpus en trois dimensions principales stables et indépendantes : le degré de provocation du lecteur (entre raconter la guerre et susciter la réflexion, l'émotion ou l'engagement), la légitimité du conflit (entre un combat juste et une guerre folie qu'aucune raison ne peut justifier) et la polémique (deux Espagne qui s'affrontent encore). Ces résultats mettent aussi en évidence des différences et des évolutions significatives de la représentation du conflit espagnol compatibles avec les conclusions des travaux sur la mémoire du conflit menés à partir d'autres matériaux historiques et culturels. La période étudiée se divise ainsi en phases de construction, de cristallisation et d'abandon d'une première représentation du conflit entre les années 70 et 90, puis de construction et de cristallisation d'une seconde représentation plus polémique à partir de la seconde moitié des années 90 et dans les années 2000. La bande dessinée montre enfin que certains aspects de la guerre, comme la violence aux civils, le rôle de l'Église, la prison et l'exil, la place de la République dans le conflit, sont des thèmes encore non conclus. À la fois récits d'histoire et objets historiques, les bandes dessinées nous renseignent ainsi non seulement sur la guerre civile espagnole, mais aussi sur les sociétés et les époques qui se la remémorent / This doctoral thesis analyzes the representation of the Spanish civil war in comics published in Spain and over the world between 1976 and 2015, i.e. about 350 comics and more than 7000 pages dedicated to the conflict. The specificity of the media as well as the size of the sample require investigating some theoretical issues such as the way comics communicate, transmit meaning and confront author's and reader's representations. This leads to propose a standardized method of statistical analysis build on the creation of topic-related lexicon and grammar for comic images,comparable to text data-mining. Results structure the corpus according to three main stable and independent dimensions: the degree of provocation of the reader (between only recording events and sparking thought, emotion or commitment), the legitimacy of the conflict (between a just fight and a mad war that no reason can justify) and polemics (two still opposed Spains). These results also point out significant differences and evolutions of the representation of the Spanish war,compatible with the conclusions of other works about the memory of the conflict based on different historical and cultural sources. Studied period can be divided into times of construction, crystallization and abandonment of a first representation between the 70s and the mid-90s, then of construction and crystallization of a second more polemical representation from the second half of the 90s to nowadays. Comics also show that some aspects of the war, such as violence towards civilians, the role of Catholic church, prison and exile, the place of the Republic during the conflict, are still inconclusive. Being both historical records and historic objects, comics inform us not only on the Spanish civil war, but also on the societies and times that remember it

Why do third-party interventions in civil wars sometimes positively contribute to fast conflict resolutions and post-war development and sometimes backfire? To solve this puzzle, I present a conceptual framework that links the motives and methods of intervention to civil war outcomes and post-war development. Two contrasting motives, self-interest and humanitarian concerns, lead to different intervention types. Self-interest prompts states to undertake unilateral and biased intervention. Humanitarian concerns encourage states to engage in multilateral intervention through the UN with a biased position. Interveners are more prudent in the use of force. They resort to violent methods only when critical security interests are at stake or when extreme humanitarian disasters occur. The method of intervention reflects interveners' motives and significantly influences civil war processes and post-war development. The effects of intervention on civil war duration and outcome, however, tend to be inconsistent with interveners' intentions. I find no empirical evidence that external intervention is likely to make civil war shorter. Whether interveners are motivated by humanitarian concerns or self-interest, they tend to fail to achieve their best outcome: a faster victory for their protégé or a faster negotiated settlement. Instead, biased interveners succeed in retarding military victory by their protégé's rival. Neutral interveners play a role in delaying time until government victory, regardless of their intention. The effects of intervention on post-war development are somewhat consistent with interveners' intention. Multilateral intervention motivated by humanitarian concerns tends to promote post-war well-being by increasing resources available for post-war reconstruction. On the other hand, unilateral intervention tends to impede the improvement of post-war quality of life. The use of force also has negative impacts on post-war development. The reason is that those interventions pursing self-interest produce a less-respondent government and reduce available resources. Military victory is more likely to improve post-war quality of life than is a negotiated settlement. However, the positive effects of military victory are realized only when a group wins a victory without biased support from foreign powers. I find that multilateral intervention using nonviolent methods and having an unbiased stance may be the best way for the international community to help post-war development.