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This study focuses on the struggle to integrate St. Andrew’s Episcopal School, a small private school in Austin, Texas. A close examination of the history of this community sheds light on how privileged whites navigated questions of integration, especially in Christian communities. Pro-integration whites in these communities utilized their faith, understanding of community, and a rhetoric of respectability to move the school towards desegregation, forging a “middle way” through Civil Rights that achieved the goal of integration without damaging white interests in the community. Following St. Andrew’s through the 1970’s and 1980’s, this study moves beyond the implementation of official integration policies to trace how the school wrestled with questions of minority enrollment, white flight, and the relationship between private communities and the public sphere. Over the course of three decades, St. Andrew’s increased minority enrollment but adopted a narrower and more inward-focused understanding of community, becoming a more diverse space but not fundamentally questioning the nature of a private school in times of public crisis. / text

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / In the post-Cold War era, two major trends illustrate the evolution of the international security environment: the spread of democracies and the emergence of asymmetric threats. The former focuses on freedom, the latter on security. New democracies must pay close attention to fundamental values and norms that stand at their core, such as respect for human rights and civil liberties, rule of law, and civilian and democratic control. At the same time, they need effective and efficient intelligence to fight the new threats. Regulating intelligence activities is one of the greatest challenges of a democratic regime because there is a fundamental clash between the democratic culture, based on individual freedom, openness, transparency, accountability, and the secrecy and security-oriented intelligence culture. A fundamental question is raised: How to democratize intelligence and maintain its efficiency and effectiveness at the same time? The conundrum of intelligence reforms requires a trade-off between the need for good intelligence and the respect and promotion of democratic values. This thesis analyses the impact of democratization on intelligence in four major areas: mandate, structure, control, and professionalization. It studies the major academic debates on the matter and then applies the theoretical framework to the Romanian case. / Outstanding Thesis

This thesis set out to determine the interaction between gender and social movement participation. In other words, it is answering the questions: how are women able to interact social movements and how do social movements enable women to be full participants in their struggle? It uses an intersectional framework to examine two social movements: the Black Civil Rights Movements that took place in the U.S. in the 1950s and 1960s, and the Zapatista National Liberation Front (EZLN) that began in Chiapas, Mexico in the 1980s and works to this day. For the Civil Rights Movement, it finds that the major organizations did not enact any policies or make any structural changes to incorporate women more fully into the Movement. Furthermore, women that wanted leadership roles in the Movement often had to forge their own by means of grassroots organizing and local women-led political action groups. For the EZLN, it finds that the organization gave women both leadership positions and military titles, passed the Women's Revolutionary Law that codified women's rights within the organization and the community, and lastly created autonomous municipal governance structures to enforce women's rights.

The thesis surveys and analyses Commonwealth Bills of Rights. It examines the content of these Bills of Rights and considers their origin and political implications. The first chapter reviews the political history of Bills of Rights generally. This is followed by a chapter dealing with the initiation and introduction of Commonwealth Bills of Rights. Particular attention is given to the attitudes and influences of British officials and advisors. The third chapter considers the general forms of Commonwealth Bills of Rights and the ways in which such guarantees are qualified. The next three chapters examine the substance of the particular guarantees and note judicial cases that are of particular interest. In the seventh chapter some of the political implications of these Bills of Rights are considered. The eighth chapter concerns judicial attitudes toward the enforcement of a Bill of Rights. This is followed by concluding remarks.

Thesis. 1978. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND HUMANITIES. / Includes bibliographical references. / Ph.D.

A budding author bold enough to have sent his manuscript to Dr Samuel Johnson for appraisal received a reply, so the story goes, in these terms: ‘Sir. Your work is both original and good. Unfortunately the part that is good is not original. And the part that is original is not good. I find it difficult to say anything new or original about the lovable man whose life we celebrate this afternoon and whose memory we thus keep alive. For so much has been said in the tributes previously paid to him, tributes testifying to the place he occupied in the hearts of countless South Africans. What is good should prove easier, however, when it is said of someone whom, at the ceremony held in court soon after his death, Ralph Zulman described, simply and truly, as a good man. So, be it said how it may, what I shall say today about Ernie Wentzel feels good to say. Unless someone who is now a lawyer was acquainted with Ernie during his childhood or schooldays, I can rightly claim, I believe, that none still around knew him for more years than I did. Our long friendship may explain why John Dugard honoured me with the invitation to deliver this lecture. It was certainly my reason for accepting the invitation with alacrity. Ernie and I first met each other 37 years ago, in 1951, when he entered the University of Cape Town, where I too was a student. I happened to be his senior by two years. But I soon got to know him well, for we had a lot in common. We were both enthusiastic student politicians. And we were in the same camp. Our time together on the campus was one of turmoil, not as acute as that which campuses have experienced subsequently, but intense nonetheless since, in addition to all the other strife of the period, the Universities of Cape T own and the W itwatersrand were under an attack that was constant and fierce for their policy of admitting students of every race, and they faced the threat of legislation forbidding them to accept any who was not white without official pennission.

On April 17, 1982, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was proclaimed into force. By including a set of constitutionally entrenched core legal rights (i.e. ss. 8, 9, and 10(b), and a remedial mechanism designed to enforce those rights (i.e. s. 24(2)), the Charter had the potential to alter certain repressive elements of the criminal justice system that had endured in Canada for over a century. Despite this potential, both the core legal rights and s. 24(2) were drafted using vague terminology. As a result, the Charter ‘s ability to succeed where previous attempts at instituting effective due process protections for Canadians had failed would depend largely on the judiciary’s ability to satisfactorily craft such protections out of imprecise statutory language. This thesis will argue that the Supreme Court of Canada has created a test for the exclusion of unconstitutionally obtained evidence under s. 24(2) that fails to adequately protect the core legal rights of the socially, racially and economically marginalized individuals to whom the Canadian criminal justice system is disproportionately applied. In advancing this argument, the relevant jurisprudence and academic literature will be analyzed according to a methodology inspired by the Critical Legal Studies movement. The issue of exclusion will be examined in its social context, primarily by analyzing the current system of Canadian criminal justice and acknowledging its over-application to the socially disenfranchised. It will be argued that the Supreme Court’s test for exclusion has developed as it has because of the judiciary’s subconscious tendency to interpret unclear constitutional provisions in keeping with the dominant conservative ideology, a method that favours maintaining the social status quo. The purpose of this thesis is to set out a framework for a reform of the Charter ‘s exclusionary mechanism. This new approach will attempt to situate social context at the forefront of the s. 24(2) decision-making process. It will be argued that the concept of “disrepute” within s. 24(2) must be redefined so that it captures investigatory practices made possible by unjust social, racial and economic divisions that render certain groups powerless, and thus more vulnerable to police surveillance.

2004--Zugl.: Diss., 2004.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Department of Political Science, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.