This thesis undertakes to examine virtually every aspect of the ancient world that was touched upon by the wind, both as a meteorological and elemental force, and as several peripheral deities. The discussion begins with an Introduction to the uses of myth and the reading of iconography within certain social and historical parameters, as these tools form the basis of the main body of the thesis. We then move on to examine the iconography of two of the cardinal Wind-gods, Boreas and Zephyros, and question why the representation of one image changed so radically within one hundred years. We also look at more minor Wind-gods, for example the Etesians, and related deities such as Eos and the Harpies. Following the artistic evidence, we present a brief overview of the Winds in cult and religious practice, for example, in Eastern mystery cults and in death ritual and representation, and we trace the development of the Winds in cult from the Bronze Age through to the dawn of the Christian era. Finally, we bring together a survey of the literary sources to enable us to see how the Winds were perceived by the ancients across a wide variety of fields: mythology, philosophy, science, medicine, farming, shipping, poetry, and meteorology. There are several appendices that deal with the most important of these topics (meteorology and shipping) in some technical detail. In conclusion, we may see that the Winds - both as gods and as natural forces - were considered an integral part of the cosmos, yet have been marginalised by history and mythology because of the difficulty in rendering what is invisible into art. However, out of sight is not out of mind, but merely taken for granted, as we today take for granted our weather that is borne on the winds.

"No serious Latinist will deny the probability that Statius will again emerge from the current scholarly re-evaluation of Silver Age Epic as the great poet he seemed to the finest spirits of High Middle Ages and Renaissance, rather than as the pale imitator of Virgil he appeared to the censorious criticism of the nineteenth century, obsessed as it was with its twin heresies of originality and inevitable progress." (Tanner, R G 1986. Epic Tradition and Epigram in Statius ANRW II 32.5, 3020) Publius Papinius Statius (c.AD 40-96) is best known for his occasional poetry, the Silvae, which is in scholarly vogue at present. He also composed a monumental twelve-book epic, little known until this century, concerning the myth of the Seven Against Thebes, as well as beginning a poem, popular in the Middle Ages, intended to chronicle the full career of the hero, Achilles. Death prevented the completion of the latter work, so that there are only 1127 lines extant. I here undertake an evaluation of female characterisation in the Thebaid and Achilleid, as a positive contribution to the rehabilitation programme described in the quotation above. Because Statius' poetry properly observes the ancient literary convention of imitatio, an examination of any feature thereof necessarily first takes account of the treatment of these myths before Statius. Although there is no precise literary precedent for the Achilleid, there are various possible Greek and Roman sources for the Thebaid, among them Euripides' Phoenissae and Hypsipyle, Apollonius' Argonautica and Seneca's Phoenissae. Naturally Homer's Iliad provided many of the poetical techniques for depicting the pathos of young warriors killed in battle and the subsequent grief of their relatives. A vital consideration, given Statius' reputation as a "pale imitator of Virgil", is to identify the influence of the Aeneid on Statius' techniques of characterisation, as well as to assess his usage of Virgilian style and phraseology. An equally significant contribution to Statius' presentation of women, and one of especial importance for the Achilleid, is made by Ovidian poetry, particularly the Metamorphoses and Heroides. To a lesser extent Statius was influenced by contemporary Latin epics: Valerius Flaccus' mythological Argonautica, Lucan's politico-historical Pharsalia and Silius Italicus' Punica. In analysing the presentation of heroines and goddesses in the Thebaid, little attempt is made to divine a method or spirit of characterisation "common" to both poems. Rather, the contrast between the portrayal of female personality in the two epics emphasises the very different tone of each: the distinctly comic tone of the Achilleid is reflected in the light-hearted portrayal of the three main characters Thetis, Deidamia and Achilles; on the other hand, the tragic atmosphere of the Thebaid is reflected in the intense portrayal of the chief female characters, Argia, Antigone, Jocasta and Hypsipyle. Insofar as it is ever valid or possible to expect literature to reflect the "real" perceptions and ideals of author and audience, I make some brief attempt to set Statius' treatment of his female characters against the prevailing attitudes and socio-cultural norms of his day. Statius' portrayal of women in his Silvae is of some relevance here, though chiefly the poems are to be regarded as literary texts rather than sociological documents.

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This paper attempts to explore the potential cultural role of the bull as a numismatic motif in Magna Graecia from the Archaic to the Classical Period, focusing on how the bull associates with the cultural and political identities of different groups. It starts from the reverted bull of Sybaris, discussing the link between the bull and the collective Sybarite identity in the region through analyzing archeological, numismatic, and literary evidence. The paper then explores the cultural significance of various alterations of the bull in communities succeeding Sybaris after 510 BCE. This provides us a glimpse concerning how the Sybarites, after losing the city, understanding the Sybarite identity. The paper further turns to the butting bull, which became a constant emblem of a new political entity, Thurium. Regardless of the possible Sybarite influence, the butting bull seems to specifically link with the mercenary group. This link was further consolidated at the end of the fifth century when this type spread and rooted in Sicily with the establishment of mercenary settlements. This paper examines the distribution of the butting in Sicily from the end of the fifth century to the middle of the fourth century and discusses how this motif may link with the mercenary in each site. But gradually, the militaristic character of the butting bull was diluted as the mercenary settlement developed into a more proper state. In general, the bull as a numismatic type experienced a dynamic process of changes. These changes do not merely refer to stylistic and ichnographic change, but also the change in its cultural implications. It is thus a barometer reflecting the self-identification of diverse population groups and the interactions of various communities in Magna Graecia. I appreciate the help and concern from my committee members and my families, without which I cannot finish this paper. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>These at times somewhat mathematical studies are not intended as a complete survey of the style of Phaedrus' Fables, but represent, it is hoped, useful contribution to our knowledge of the work of an otherwise rather obscure figure.</p> <p>I. Phaedrus seems often to have used haterodyne ("ictus"accent clash) effectively to convey agitation, surprise, speed, and the like, and homodyne to convey the opposite, though there is no good evidence of patterning like that knight thought to have found in the Aenid. (The predominance of heterodyne in the mock-tragic 4.7.6-16 is however, probably due to factors of genre.)</p> <p>II. (There is less va:riation in prota.gotists in the second part of book 1 than in the first-- this is a field for durther investigation)</p> <p>Verse-endings are repeated less and less in the later books in a fairly smooth progression which supports the present order.</p> <p>III. Words occurring only once in Phaedrus' work are relatively rare in book 1 and in prologues and epilogues. Poems high in such "once-words" tend not to be beast fables and are on average longer, while poems low in these words, when not prologues or epilogues, are beast-fables or jokes.</p> <p>IV. Phaedru.s' use of Greek words increased with time, but this largely be due to a. change in the type of poems. Possible particular occasions for using Greek words (apart from unavoidable instances, such as the names of certain animals) seem to be insincerity/ deceit, riches, glorification, hyperbole, Greek settings, and possibly alliteration. Phaedrus introduced few new Greek words, if any, and the overall proportion of Greek words in his vocabulary is low in comparison with other poets.</p> <p>V. Phaedrus uses "unpoetic" words to a fairly high degree, though less frequently in narrative than in direct speech and personal material. He also has some words characteristic of poetry and shows sensitivity to certain "rules" of poetic speech, and his vocabulary could not be confused with that of a prose-author. Not unexpectedly, he is closer in vocabulary to "low" poetry (such as satire) than to "high" poetry (Such as epic).</p> <p>VI. Phaedrus seems to have been conscious of certain rhyming effects or homoeoteleuta, notably between the final 'words of successive verses (a type he cultivated in book 4 especially, but seems to have avoided in book 5).</p> <p>VII. Alliteration is generally used sparingly by Phaedrus, who seems to have avoided extreme concentration of alliterative verses. It occurs with slightly greater frequency in narrative, and also appears to have been employed somewhat less in Phaedrus' middle work generally. There is some indication of preference for particulr alliterative patterns (e.g. avoidance of the concentric pattern).</p> <p>VIII. Only tentative observations are possible on the structure, if any, of the books. The numerical approach seems somewhat more promising than the thematic (book. 5 in its present form is numerically balanced).</p> <p>IX. About one eighth of Phaedrus' poems are exactly seven verses long, ®d this may have represented for him an ideal minimum length. Babrius, on the other hand, does not favour this length, but shows instead a strong preference for even numbers of verses. Avienus' poems do not vary greatly in length, but do not favour any exact figure.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2004. / Vita. Accompanying CD-ROM contains the text to the dissertation, as well as Chinese text of chapters 1-6 of Jingxue lishi and that of Pi Xirui's chronological biography (nianpu). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 936-956). Also available via the World Wide Web.

<p>Virgil's Georgics has been the subject of a daunting number of articles, studies and commentaries. Of the many problems associated with the work perhaps the greatest difficulty has arisen in assessing the Aristaeus epyllion, G. 4.315-558. Numerous attempts have been made to interpret the passage and to explain its connection with the rest of Book 4 and with the whole of the Georgics. Many opinions have been expressed (quot homines, tot sententiae); however, none has been deemed completely satisfactory and none has been universally accepted. I have chosen not to add to the already vast body of scholarship dealing with these issues but to approach the epyllion from a different perspective.</p> <p>Despite its importance - it is, after all, the only existing extended narrative by Virgil other than the Aeneid, which it predates - the Aristaeus epyllion has not been the subject of a single exhaustive study. I have attempted, therefore, to treat the passage in isolation, tacitly accepting that it is connected with the rest of the work. My study includes a reappraisal (with, I trust, fresh insights) of the relevant mythological background and structure of the piece. Its literary form, the epyllion, is also discussed and a more detailed examination of setting and character than has been undertaken previously is presented. Finally, I offer a detailed critical appreciation in which Virgil's narrative technique, his use of literary models (especially, but not exclusively, Homer) and features of sound, rhythm and diction receive comment.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This thesis examines Theocritus' use of the mythic herdsman Daphnis in Idylls 1 and 7 and compares the accounts there with accounts of similar figures such as Adonis, Attis, and Osiris in other ancient authors. I focus especially on Daphnis' associations with death and resurrection and with honey, which I argue functions for Theocritus as an emblem of the immortalizing powers of poetry.

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