O presente trabalho procura analisar a relação entre a Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CIDH), suas decisões em relação ao Brasil e como elas podem influenciar o ordenamento jurídico interno. Para isso, pretende analisar a história da Comissão e como ela acabou por possuir uma dualidade de competências, em razão dos tratados internacionais que a orientam, especialmente a Declaração Americana de Direitos e Deveres do Homem (DADH), a Carta da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) e a Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos (CADH). Embora não seja o tema central do trabalho, também será mencionada a atuação da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CteIDH) no procedimento da Convenção. Com intuito de compreender a influência das decisões da Comissão no ordenamento brasileiro, que é o objetivo central do presente estudo, o trabalho busca estudar e analisar alguns casos práticos, tanto do período em que a Comissão atuou como órgão reconhecido da Carta da OEA, como da época em que atuou como órgão do sistema da Convenção, posteriormente à ratificação do Brasil. / The present work analyzes the relation between the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (ICHR), its decisions regarding Brazil and how they could influence the internal legal system. In order to do so, it analyzes the history of the Commission and how it became an organ with a dual competence in the Inter- American System of Human Rights (ISHR), due to the international treaties that guide it, specially the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Men, the OAS Chart and the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR). Although it is not the central issue of the research, the work also mentions the role of the Inter-American Court on Human Rights (ICtHR) in the ACHR’s procedure. In order to comprehend the influence of the Commission’s decisions in the internal legal system, which is the central objective of the present study, it will study and analyze some practical cases, from the period when the Commission were solely the OAS Chart human rights organ, as well as from the time when it was an Convention organ, after Brazil’s ratification of the Convention.

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-05-14T18:15:01Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Adriano Sousa Costa - 2018.pdf: 2921653 bytes, checksum: c5dd5f84912b7d8cdd79eefd9bca4b06 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-05-15T10:49:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Adriano Sousa Costa - 2018.pdf: 2921653 bytes, checksum: c5dd5f84912b7d8cdd79eefd9bca4b06 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-15T10:49:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Adriano Sousa Costa - 2018.pdf: 2921653 bytes, checksum: c5dd5f84912b7d8cdd79eefd9bca4b06 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-15 / This research was anchored in the categorization of public policy tools (based on the Inter-American NATO model), which comprised the recommendations and agreements contained in the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) case follow-up report, year 2017. Based on the assumption that the governors analyze the costs and benefits before implementing these tools, it was sought to investigate whether the total solutions compliance rate was linked to variables relevant to the present research, namely: the form of solution , the formal complexity of design, the form of state and the political regime degree of freedom. The aforementioned variables would function as informational shortcuts for the present research, in order to indicate the presumed costs of the governor (institutional, economic, political and legal costs). Finally, the first hypothesis tested relates to the relation between the solutions of less complex cases (in relation to the number of tools that compose the design) and whether they would be more fully compliant and whether the medium or high complexity ones would actually have increased chances of being partially fulfilled or even unfulfilled. Another hypothesis tested relates to the demand form of solution (friendly or meritorious), since it was assumed that a case amicably solved could have a greater propensity to comply. The third hypothesis concerned the greater or lesser propensity of federated / unitary countries for full compliance with the solutions. Finally, the last hypothesis referred to the hypothetical aptitude of the countries (categorized and divided in face of their freedom degree )to the total fulfillment of the solutions. In order to arrive at the desired conclusions, a multinomial logistic model was constructed, promoting the crossing of such data, which seemed apt to the arrival of conclusions about the relations existing between the aforementioned dependent variables investigated and the total compliance solution rate. / A presente pesquisa se ancorou na categorização de ferramentas de políticas públicas (com base no modelo NATO Interamericano), as quais compunham as recomendações e os acordos contidos no relatório de seguimento de casos da Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CIDH), ano 2017. Partindo-se do pressuposto de que os governantes analisam os custos e os benefícios antes de implementar as referidas ferramentas, buscou-se investigar se a taxa de cumprimento total das soluções mantinha vinculação com variáveis relevantes para a presente pesquisa, quais sejam: a forma de solução, a complexidade formal do desenho, a forma de Estado e o grau de liberdade do regime político. As mencionada variáveis funcionariam, para a presente pesquisa, como atalhos informacionais, com o fito de indicarem os presumidos custos do governante (custos institucionais, econômicos, políticos e legais). Enfim, a primeira hipótese testada diz respeito à relação envolvendo as soluções de casos menos complexas (em relação ao número de ferramentas que compõem o desenho) e se elas teriam maior propensão a serem cumpridas totalmente e se as de média ou de alta complexidade realmente teriam as chances aumentadas de figurarem como parcialmente cumpridas ou mesmo descumpridas. Outra hipótese testada diz respeito à forma de solução da demanda (amistosa ou meritória), porquanto era de se pressupor que um caso solvido amistosamente poderia ter maior propensão ao cumprimento. A terceira hipótese dizia respeito a maior ou a menor propensão de países federados/unitários ao cumprimento total das soluções. Por fim, a última hipótese referia-se à hipotética aptidão dos países (categorizados e divididos em face de seu grau de liberdade) ao cumprimento total das soluções. Para se chegar às conclusões desejadas, construiu-se um modelo logístico multinomial, promovendo-se o cruzamento de tais dados, o que pareceu hábil à chegada de conclusões acerca das relações existentes entre as referidas variáveis dependentes investigadas e a taxa de cumprimento total das soluções.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar quais os critérios utilizados pela Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos para judicializar demandas perante a Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, tendo em vista ser o órgão legitimado para apresentar casos individuais ao tribunal. A Comissão desempenha um papel de filtro negativo de casos, tanto na análise de admissibilidade de petições iniciais, quanto no envio de casos à Corte IDH. Contudo, apesar dos requisitos previstos na Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos, nem todos os casos que preenchem esses critérios são judicializados, conferindo ao órgão uma atuação opaca. Em razão disso, o presente trabalho busca verificar quais outros fatores determinantes poderiam ensejar as decisões da Comissão. Casos com determinadas características, sejam elas referentes ao perfil das vítimas, ao tipo de violação ou ao potencial impacto no país ou na região, possuem maiores chances de serem admitidos para análise e, potencialmente, enviados à Corte IDH. Nesse cenário, o este trabalho objetiva também analisar a atuação das ONGs de direitos humanos no papel de representantes das vítimas no Sistema Interamericano, tendo em vista que também utilizam critérios para selecionar quais casos terão seu apoio e defesa. As ONGs, atuando por meio de litígio estratégico, possuem um papel protagonista no Sistema Interamericano. A pergunta que a presente pesquisa visa responder é: a quem serve, afinal, o Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos? / The main objective of this work is to analyze the criteria used by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to submit cases before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, having in mind that the first body is the only legitimate to present individual cases to the court. The IACHR functions as a negative filter of cases, both admitting petitions to processing and deciding which cases will be sent to the IACourtHR. However, despite the requirements set by the American Convention on Human Rights, not all cases that fulfill these criteria are judicialized, providing the body a blurred and not transparent performance. Because of that, the present work seeks to verify what other determining factors could influence IACHR decisions. Cases with determined characteristics, be they regarding the profile of the victims, the type of violation or the potential impact they could cause in the country or in the region, have more chances in being admitted to processing and, later, sent to the IACourtHR. In this scenario, this work also aims to verify the performance of human rights NGOs playing the role of representatives of the victims in the Inter-American Human Rights System, taking into account that they also use specific requirements to select which cases will have their support and defense. NGOs, acting through strategic litigation, have a leading role in the Inter-American system. The main question this work intents to answer is: to whom, after all, serves the Inter-American Human Rights System?

O presente trabalho procura analisar a relação entre a Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CIDH), suas decisões em relação ao Brasil e como elas podem influenciar o ordenamento jurídico interno. Para isso, pretende analisar a história da Comissão e como ela acabou por possuir uma dualidade de competências, em razão dos tratados internacionais que a orientam, especialmente a Declaração Americana de Direitos e Deveres do Homem (DADH), a Carta da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) e a Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos (CADH). Embora não seja o tema central do trabalho, também será mencionada a atuação da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CteIDH) no procedimento da Convenção. Com intuito de compreender a influência das decisões da Comissão no ordenamento brasileiro, que é o objetivo central do presente estudo, o trabalho busca estudar e analisar alguns casos práticos, tanto do período em que a Comissão atuou como órgão reconhecido da Carta da OEA, como da época em que atuou como órgão do sistema da Convenção, posteriormente à ratificação do Brasil. / The present work analyzes the relation between the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (ICHR), its decisions regarding Brazil and how they could influence the internal legal system. In order to do so, it analyzes the history of the Commission and how it became an organ with a dual competence in the Inter- American System of Human Rights (ISHR), due to the international treaties that guide it, specially the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Men, the OAS Chart and the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR). Although it is not the central issue of the research, the work also mentions the role of the Inter-American Court on Human Rights (ICtHR) in the ACHR’s procedure. In order to comprehend the influence of the Commission’s decisions in the internal legal system, which is the central objective of the present study, it will study and analyze some practical cases, from the period when the Commission were solely the OAS Chart human rights organ, as well as from the time when it was an Convention organ, after Brazil’s ratification of the Convention.

A presente Tese procura examinar como os espaços alternativos aos mecanismos convencionais da democracia representativa influenciam na extensão e fortalecimento da democracia participativa em Cabo Verde. Para a consecução desse objetivo, foram selecionados três Conselhos de Políticas Públicas – criados a partir do período democrático iniciado no início dos anos 1990 e respaldados pelo novo Texto Constitucional aprovado em 1992. Os Conselhos selecionados – quais sejam: o Conselho de Concertação Social (CCS), o Conselho Nacional de Saúde (CNS) e a Comissão Nacional para os Direitos Humanos e a Cidadania (CNDHC) além de constituírem três áreas diferentes e possuírem uma abrangência nacional, integram a estrutura político-administrativa do Estado, estando, pois vinculados às orgânicas dos diferentes departamentos governamentais responsáveis pela área do trabalho, salário e seguridade social, da saúde e dos direitos humanos e justiça. Dado esse objeto de estudo, a metodologia usada foi a qualitativa assente na coleta de uma variedade de materiais empíricos relacionados com os conselhos aqui considerados. Implícito a esta metodologia foi priorizado o método comparado centrado na comparação das variáveis e dos conselhos, individualmente considerados, quanto à sua influência no modelo da democracia participativa. Os resultados alcançados com o desenvolvimento da pesquisa sinalizam para o fato de eles não representarem impacto considerável no modelo da democracia participativa em Cabo Verde, sendo a sua existência e funcionamento representar apenas um apêndice da manutenção do modelo da democracia representativa sem que houvesse ocorrência de qualquer transformação nos pressupostos basilares deste modelo. Assim sendo, entre as diversas sugestões apresentadas com o desfecho da pesquisa para a extensão e fortalecimento da democracia participativa, esta Tese propõe a alteração dos arranjos institucionais de modo a que eles possam conferir maior capacidade participativa e deliberativa aos conselhos. / This thesis seek to examine how alternative mechanisms of representative democracy impact into extending and strengthening participatory democracy in Cape Verde. Aiming to reach this goal, three Public Policy Councils were selected – all them created in the beginning of 1990s and supported by the new constitutional text approved in 1992 –, these are Council for Social Consultation (CCS), National Health Council (CNS) and National Commission for Human Rights and Citizenship (CNDHC). These three areas also, are part of the political and administrative structure of the state and are related to the different government organic departments responsible for labor, wage and social security, health and human rights and justice. Methodologically, this study is qualitative based on collecting a variety of empirical materials relating to the advice considered here. Inside this method, was also prioritized comparative approach that focused on comparison of variables of councils individually and their influence on the model of participatory democracy. The results of the study point out of non-existence of considerable impact on participatory democracy model in Cape Verde, and its existence and functioning represent only an appendage of maintenance of representative democracy model without their occurrence of any transformation in the basic assumptions of this model. Thus, among the many tips given to the outcome of the research for the extending and strengthening of participatory democracy, this thesis proposes changing in the institutional arrangements so that they can give more participatory and deliberative capacity to advice.

[pt] Esta dissertação destaca o papel do Grupo de Trabalho Sobre Detenções Arbitrárias, como prova da evolução dos mecanismos de controle no plano da Comissão de Direitos Humanos. Os mecanismos extraconvencionais de proteção colocados à disposição da Comissão de Direitos Humanos sofreram marcante evolução ao longo do tempo. Nessa linha evolutiva ganham destaque os procedimentos temáticos, dentre os quais sobressai o Grupo de Trabalho Sobre Detenções Arbitrárias, criado em 1991. Este grupo centra-se na investigação do caráter arbitrário das detenções impostas a pessoas determinadas, podendo atuar em qualquer país membro das Nações Unidas, independentemente da adesão a tratados ou convenções. Caracteriza-se, ainda, por agir à margem de pressões políticas, embasando-se apenas na expertise de seus cinco membros-especialistas para emitir suas opiniões. Dado o caráter objetivo e não-seletivo de sua atuação e considerada a sua capacidade de agir na proteção efetiva de indivíduos específicos, o Grupo Sobre Detenções Arbitrárias constitui um valioso instrumento de investigação e controle nas mãos da Comissão. / [en] This dissertation highlights the role of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, as an evidence of the evolution of the mechanisms of control at the level of the Commission on Human Rights. Throughout time, extra-conventional mechanisms at the disposal of the Commission on Human Rights have undergone a remarkable evolution. In this context, thematic mechanisms gathered momentum, among which the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention -created in 1991- stands out. This group focuses on the investigation of the arbitrary character of detentions imposed on specific individuals, applying to any member of the United Nations, even those that are not party to treaties or conventions. It acts, as well, protected from political pressures, only based on the expertise of its five expert-members to present its opinions. Given the objectivity and non-selectivity of its performance and considering its capacity of effectively protecting specific individuals, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention represents a worthy instrument of investigation and control in the hands of the Commission.

The purpose of this study is to analyse the effectiveness of the Uganda Human Rights Commission UHRC), which possesses judicial powers vis-à-vis the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice of Ghana (CHRAJ) and the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) which do not possess such powers. The difference notwithstanding, all the three have been rated as the best national institutions in Africa. Due to time and space constraints, one will focus specifically with the mandates of the three commissions and in particular, on the different or distinct mandates assigned to them, namely, that of CHRAJ to deal with corruption, that of SAHRC to deal with economic, cultural and social rights and UHRC of dealing with torture matters and generally of constituting a tribunal. This study was motivated by the fact that Lesotho will be setting up a national institution in 2008 and one would like to draw lessons from these institutions and pick up elements that could best suit Lesotho. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007. / Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof Kofi Quashigah of the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

"Implementation of human rights instruments, and protection and promotion of human rights at the national level is a contemporary phenomenon that is still developing. The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and the Paris Principles provide for the creation of national institutions to carry out this task. This has led to national human rights institutions (NHRIs) becoming more prominent actors in the national, regional and international arena. However, NHRIs still face the problems of legitimacy, operational constraints, and ignorant population. These factors constrain the effective functioning of these institutions. It should be noted that the key constraint on the effective functioning of NHRIs is legitimacy. Such institutions usually find themselves not legitimate in the eyes of the people they are created to serve. The above brings to mind the question - what makes a NHRI effective? Generally, there is no consensus as to the effectiveness of NHRIs This study has therefore been triggered by widespread perceptions and reports within civil society that such institutions are left at the mercy of governments in power. Others have seen such institutions as a "double-edged sword" - in the best of circumstances, they strengthen democratic institutions but they can also be mere straw men, part of government's administrative machinery to scuttle international scrutiny. Another issue that has actuated this study is the misconception that people have about some NHRIs. This misconception originates not so much from the actual operation of human rights commissions but from the history of past ombudsman institutions that have purported to protect human rights." -- Chapter 1. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Michelo Hansungule at the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2002. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The text describes the main progress in depicting the LGBTI topic in the Inter-American area. It begins with the analysis of some conceptual issues that are crossed to the topic and discuss the importance of including political commitments and statements in the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly of OAS (Organization of American States) related to the LGTBI community protection. Even though, a few cases have gone to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, some landmark cases have deserved the Inter-American Court of Human Rights opinion. This produces an interesting case law on the matter. Finally, the text covers the latest Inter-American Convention on human rights adopted by the General Assembly of OAS in 2013, which includes the LGBTI community. That Conventionconstitutes the first regional treaty in force on the matter. / El artículo describe los principales avances que han contribuidoa visibilizar la temática de las Lesbianas, Gays, Bisexuales, Travestis e Intersexuales (LGBTI) a nivel interamericano. Para ello, comienza con el análisis de algunas cuestiones conceptuales que son transversales al tema y discute la importancia que tiene la inclusión de varios compromisos políticos y declaraciones en las resoluciones de la Asamblea General de la OEA referentes a la protección de la comunidad LGBTI. Si bien aún pocos casos han llegado a la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, algunos casos emblemáticos han merecido el pronunciamiento de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, lo que ya genera una jurisprudencia interesante sobre el tema. Finalmente, el texto aborda el contenido de la más reciente Convención Interamericana sobre derechos humanos adoptada por la Asamblea General de la OEA en 2013, la cual incluye dentro de su ámbito de aplicación al colectivo LGBTI. Así, dicha Convención constituye el primer tratado regional en vigor referido a la materia.

At the United Nations Conference on International Organization in April 1945 South Africa affirmed the principle of respect for human rights in a Preamble it proposed for inclusion in the Charter of the United Nations. The proposal was approved and the Preamble was accorded binding force. While South Africa participated in the earliest attempts of the United Nations to draft a bill of rights, it abstained on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights because its municipal legislation was incompatible with some articles. Similarly, South Africa did not become a party to the international human rights instruments the declaration inspired, and avoided an active role in their elaboration. Subsidiary organs of the General Assembly undertook several studies on discrimination in the field of human rights. They provided evidence that racial discrimination in South Africa intensified after the National Party came to power in May 1948 on the platform of apartheid and diverged from global trends in humanitarian law. The gap between the Union and the United Nations widened. At the first General Assembly in 1946, India successfully asked that the treatment of persons of Indian origin in South Africa be inscribed on the agenda. The Indian question was later subsumed in the charge that South Africa's racial policies violated the Charter and in 1952 the General Assembly began to discuss apartheid. South Africa protested that these actions contravened Charter Article 2(7), which prohibited intervention in matters of domestic jurisdiction, and were ultra vires. Criticism of the Union increased in intensity, until in 1960 it culminated in calls for economic and diplomatic sanctions. Research shows that South Africa was the main architect of its growing isolation, since it refused to modify domestic policies that alienated even its potential allies. Moreover, it maintained a low profile in United Nations debates on human rights issues, abstaining on all substantive clauses in the two draft covenants on human rights. These actions were interpreted as lack of interest in global humanitarian affairs. South Africa had little influence on the development of customary international law in the field of human rights but was a catalyst in the evolution of international machinery to protect them. / Jurisprudence / (LL.D)