My thesis explores the conceptual underpinnings of the acclaimed Mexican conditional cash transfer (CCT) program Oportunidades as a way of engaging broader debates about how anti-poverty policy is evolving in the wake of the World Bank’s mid-1990s legitimacy crisis. I am interested in the behaviours and attitudes—or “subjectivities”—that Oportunidades attempts to cultivate amongst participants. Whereas the majority of CCT studies tend to focus on measuring the extent to which the programs “mold” beneficiaries into the categories of being prescribed by the program, my thesis is concerned with specifying and critically examining these categories. I use a hybrid neo-Gramscian, governmentality and critical feminist theoretical framework to probe how Oportunidades beneficiaries are constructed within World Bank and Mexican government discourse, as well as in external program evaluations. I argue that Oportunidades is underpinned by an agent-centred conception of poverty and that the program promotes a kind of gendered market-conducive subjectivity amongst beneficiaries. I conclude by exploring some of the implications of the CCT model. Ma thèse explore les fondements conceptuels du Oportunidades, un programme de transferts conditionnels de fonds (TMC) Mexicain acclamé. J’utilise les TMC comme une ouverture pour élargir le débat sur la manière dont la politique anti-pauvreté évolue dans le sillage de la crise de légitimité à laquelle la Banque Mondiale a fait face dans le milieu des années 1990. Je m'intéresse aux types de comportements et d'attitudes—ou «subjectivités»—que Oportunidades essaye de cultiver chez les participants. Alors que la majorité des études sur les TMC focalisent sur l’évaluation des succès du programme à modeler les participants afin qu’ils entrent dans les catégories de personnes prescrites par le programme, mon but est la spécification et l'examen critique de ces catégories. J'utilise un cadre théorique hybride qui combine néo-gramsciennes, la gouvernementalité et des théories féministes critiques pour enquêter sur la façon dont les bénéficiaires du programme Oportunidades sont construits à l’intérieur du discours de la Banque Mondiale, du gouvernement mexicain, ainsi que dans les évaluations externes du programme. Je soutiens qu’il y a, dans le programme Oportunidades, une conception sous-entendu de la pauvreté centrée sur les comportements des individus et que le programme promeut une subjectivité sexuée des bénéficiaires qui facilite leur participation au marché. Je conclus en explorant quelques implications du modèle TMC.

Oportunidades is a Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) that uses a proxy means-test targeting model to select eligible households for the programme. According to the Income and Expenditure Household Survey of 2008, approximately two in every three eligible rural households participate in Oportunidades, whereas only one in every three eligible urban households receives the Oportunidades cash transfer. This research explores the factors behind this lack of take-up, the costs of participation and the implications of targeting inefficiency on the programme’s impact on income poverty. It argues that a sample selection model is a pertinent tool of analysis as it informs on the distribution of cash transfers conditional on household eligibility. This conditional distribution is also used to understand the costs of participation as a latent variable. Eligible households are less likely to invest in human capital and neither the cash transfer nor the income forgone by children and teenagers are sufficient to overcome these costs of participation. By identifying a method to quantify behavioural change of households, I associate the costs of participation to the difficulties of inducing health-related behavioural change among recipients and eligible non-recipients. At an aggregate state level, targeting inefficiency is not fully explained by only looking at the budget constraints of the programme. In fact, targeting efficiency is positively associated to aggregate behavioural change and negatively associated to aggregate costs for participation at state level. Yet, targeting efficiency does not guarantee impact on income poverty and Oportunidades’ highest impact on income poverty also associated with the inclusion of non-eligible households in the programme. This research reconsiders the importance of the context in which CCTs are implemented and informs on the conflicting aims of CCTs: providing income poverty relief via cash transfers and incentivizing behavioural change by conditioning the cash transfer in health and education investment.

Transferências Condicionadas de Renda (TCR), como o Programa Bolsa Família (PBF) no Brasil, são cada vez mais adotadas no mundo para romper com o ciclo de transmissão da pobreza, por meio de transferências monetárias a famílias pobres, condicionadas a investimentos em capital humano. Como cerca de 76% da população pobre do mundo vive em áreas rurais, e a incidência de pobreza é maior em localidades remotas florestadas, os TCR são frequentemente implementados junto a populações semiautárquicas de países em desenvolvimento. Assim, essas transferências têm aumentado a disponibilidade de recursos monetários junto a essas populações, como certos povos indígenas. Nesses contextos, evidências prévias mostram que a monetarização das economias locais pode ter efeitos positivos, negativos ou nulos na dedicação de tempo às atividades de subsistência e no consumo de recursos naturais. Porém, existem duas lacunas nesse conhecimento. Primeiro, estudos prévios avaliaram os efeitos conjuntos de diversas fontes de renda, muito embora estas variem nos investimentos de tempo necessários, de nulos (e.g., TCR e aposentadorias) a altos (e.g., salários e comércio de artesanato). Segundo, a maior parte da literatura assume, ainda que implicitamente, que as decisões na base das escolhas humanas são racionais e motivadas, sobretudo, por maximizar a renda ou, eventualmente, minimizar os riscos. Porém, evidências empíricas e avanços teóricos indicam que as decisões nem sempre são racionais, tanto por limitações cognitivas que levam a outros processos decisórios (e.g., heurísticas), como porque são motivadas por outros fatores (e.g., prazer, emoção, normas sociais). Portanto, esta dissertação teve por objetivo investigar se o aumento da renda monetária de transferências do PBF estava associado a diferenças no investimento de tempo em atividades de subsistência (agricultura, caça, pesca e coleta) e no consumo de produtos derivados ou não dessas atividades pelo povo indígena Kisêdjê da Amazônia brasileira. Além disso, investigou se o hedonismo e a contabilidade mental seriam motivadores dessas decisões. Três hipóteses foram testadas. Primeira, diferentes fontes de renda monetária devem produzir efeitos diversos sobre o tempo dedicado pelos Kisêdjê a atividades de subsistência. Segunda, os efeitos do PBF devem variar de acordo com o quanto as pessoas apreciam cada atividade de subsistência, i.e., o hedonismo é importante para prever investimentos de tempo nessas atividades. Terceira, os Kisêdjê realizam contabilidade mental, i.e., separam o dinheiro em diferentes contas mentais e, portanto, fontes alternativas de renda monetária devem produzir padrões de consumo distintos e fontes de renda de baixo esforço, como o PBF, devem privilegiar o consumo de alimentos ou de bens supérfluos. Para tal, o estudo adotou um delineamento observacional em painel, compreendendo todos (242) os indivíduos adultos (>=16 anos) de 2 comunidades. Os dados foram coletados em dois períodos em 2016 e 2017, por meio de survey por entrevistas estruturadas e experimento em contabilidade mental, e observação direta de alocação de tempo (random-interval instantaneous sampling), sendo analisados por técnicas de estatística descritiva e modelos mistos de regressão. Os resultados mostraram, primeiro, que as transferências do PBF não tiveram efeitos no tempo dedicado às atividades de subsistência, embora outras rendas monetárias (e.g., trabalho regular, aposentadoria) tenham ora aumentado, ora reduzido a probabilidade de investimento de tempo. Segundo, o hedonismo foi mais importante que as fontes de renda monetária para explicar o esforço alocado na atividade de caça para os homens. Por fim, não foram observadas evidências de contabilidade mental, ou seja: (i) o padrão de consumo não diferiu segundo a fonte de renda, mas somente entre homens e mulheres; (ii) com fontes de renda de baixo (e.g. PBF) ou alto esforço, os Kisêdjê estiveram menos propensos a consumir bens supérfluos. Os resultados parecem sugerir que os efeitos do PBF nas atividades de subsistência e no consumo dos Kisêdjê são baixos, muito embora a cobertura ampla tenha dificultado a avaliação. Quanto aos motivadores, os resultados apontam para a importância de investigar outros determinantes além da renda. / Conditional Cash Transfers (CCTs), such as the Bolsa Família Program (BFP) in Brazil, have increasingly been adopted worldwide to break the cycle of poverty transmission, by transferring cash to poor families, conditional on investments in human capital. As about 76% of the worlds poor live in rural areas, and poverty incidence is higher in remote forested localities, CCTs are frequently implemented in semi-autarkic communities of developing countries. Thus, these transfers have increased the availability of cash income resources to semi-autarkic populations, such as certain indigenous peoples. In this context, prior evidence shows the monetization of local economies has been associated with positive, negative, or null effects on the time allocated to subsistence activities and consumption of natural resources. However, there are two knowledge gaps. First, previous studies evaluated the combined effects of several income sources, although these sources vary on the necessary time investments, from null (e.g., CCTs) to high (e.g., wages and handicrafts trade). Second, most previous studies assume, although implicitly, that decisions which base peoples choices are rational and motivated, above all, on income maximization or, occasionally, risk minimization. However, empirical evidence and theoretical advances indicate that decisions are often not always, either because of cognitive limitations that lead to other decision-making processes (e.g., heuristics), or because they are motivated by other factors (e.g., pleasure, emotion, social norms). Therefore, this dissertation aimed to investigate whether increased levels of cash income from the BFP transfers were associated with differences in time investments in subsistence activities (agriculture, hunting, fishing and gathering) and in the consumption of Kisêdjê indigenous people from the Brazilian Amazon. Additionally, we investigated if hedonism and mental accounting were the motivators behind these decisions. Three hypotheses were tested. First, alternative income sources should produce different effects on the time allocated by the Kisêdjê to subsistence activities. Second, the effects of BFP should vary, depending on how much people appreciated each subsistence activity, i.e. hedonism is important to predict time investments. Third, Kisêdjê do mental accounting and, therefore, different cash income sources should distinct consumption patterns and low-effort activities such as BFP should increase the likelihood of consuming superfluous food or goods. To do that, we adopted an observational panel design, including all (242) adult individuals (>= 16 years) in 2 communities. Data were gathered in two periods in 2016 and 2017, through a survey based on face-to-face interviews and experiment in mental accounting, direct observations of time allocation by random-interval instantaneous sampling, and were analysed by descriptive statistical techniques and mixed-effects regressions. The results indicated that, first, BFP cash transfers had no effect on the time spent on subsistence activities, although other income sources (e.g., wages, pensions) in certain cases increased, while in others decreased the likelihood of time investments. Second, hedonism was important than cash income sources in explaining the effort allocated to hunting for men. Finally, we did not observe evidences of mental accounting, i.e.: (i) consumption patterns did not differ across income sources, but only between men and women; (ii) with low-effort (e.g., BFP) or high-effort income sources, the Kisêdjê were less likely to consume superfluous goods. Our results suggest that the effects of BFP transfers on subsistence activities and consumption are low, although the high rate of coverage has impaired our analyses. As regards motivations, the results point to the importance of investigating determinants other than income.

A presente dissertação teve como objetivo explorar as conexões do Programa Bolsa Família com a questão educacional, analisando em que medida o programa reduz as múltiplas dimensões da desigualdade educacional enfrentada por seus beneficiários. Partindo-se da ideia que o direito à educação pressupõe a garantia de algo comum, e portanto igual para todos, adotou-se a concepção de desigualdade educacional de Marcel Crahay (2000), que define três dimensões necessárias de igualdade educacional: acesso, tratamento e conhecimento. Realizou-se uma discussão teórica sobre o papel da educação dentro do desenho do Bolsa Família, que busca por meio do acesso aos serviços educacionais cortar o ciclo intergeracional de pobreza em que estão inseridos seus beneficiários. Depois, foi diagnosticada a situação enfrentada pelos beneficiários em cada dimensão da desigualdade educacional. Esse diagnóstico foi realizado a partir de bases de dados do Sistema Presença, Censo Escolar, Ideb, Pnad e outros indicadores educacionais disponibilizados pelo Inep. Por fim, analisou-se como o programa busca e tem efeitos na redução das múltiplas dimensões da desigualdade educacional. Este último passo foi realizado a partir de uma revisão de literatura das produções acadêmicas da área e de um estudo de caso na rede municipal de Osasco. Conclui-se que os principais efeitos do Bolsa Família são sobre a dimensão do acesso, ainda que ele tenha efeitos potenciais e incipientes sobre a dimensão do tratamento e do aprendizado, principalmente via integração setorial. / This dissertation\'s main goal was to explore the ties between Bolsa Familia social program and the educational issue, analizing to what extent the program reduces the multiple aspects of educational inequality the beneficiaries are subject to. It was adopted Marcel Crahay\'s educational inequality concept that defines three necessary dimensions to reach educational equality: access, treatment and knowledge. I have made a theoretical discussion of the role education plays in the Bolsa Familia design, which aims to interrupt the beneficiarie\'s intergenerational poverty cycle by broadening the access to educational services. After that, I unraveled the situation faced by the beneficiaries in each dimension of educational inequality. This diagnosis was made using the Sistema Presença, Censo Escolar, Ideb and Pnad databases, along with other educational indicators made public by Inep. At last, I analyzed the program\'s efforts and results in reducing educational inequalities, in its multiple aspects. That last part was made by reviewing the specific academic literature and with a case study in the municipality of Osasco. The conclusion is that the main effects of the Bolsa Familia program are related to the access dimension, although it has potential and incipient effects on the treatment and knowledge dimensions, specially when it comes to sectorial integration.

This dissertation examines the effectiveness of interventions related to family planning and the uptake of HIV-related preventive services among women in low-income settings. Women in low-income settings and living with HIV face many barriers to care, including limited access to services for family planning and HIV-related preventive care. At the same time, national, regional, and global efforts are looking for interventions to help control rapid population growth, create an HIV-free generation, and provide adequate preventive care for those living with HIV. This dissertation cuts across these issues and can help to inform debate and policies to address these issues. This dissertation comprises three discrete papers. Paper 1 (chapter 1) examines the effectiveness of a national scale-up of community-based distribution of family planning services on contraceptive use in Malawi’s rural areas during the period 2005-2016. The national-scale up of the intervention followed the success of a pilot of a similar intervention implemented in the period 1999-2004. As in the pilot, the scaled-up program distributed condoms and oral contraceptives and provided family planning education. Further, because education and income are important determinants of individual contraceptive use, the paper also examines whether the effectiveness of the national scale CBDs varies over these dimensions. The paper uses the Malawi Demographic and Health Surveys. The study finds that the intervention increased contraceptive use by 6.8 percentage points and the effects were greater among uneducated and low-income women. Paper 2 (chapter 2) conducts a cost-effectiveness analysis of a trial of cash incentives aimed at increasing the uptake of services for the prevention of mother-to-child transmission (PMTCT) of HIV. The trial was conducted in the Democratic of the Congo (DRC) as part of an effort to find ways of increasing uptake of PMTCT services in sub-Saharan Africa where uptake of these services remains low. The study is conducted from the societal perspective, relies on multiple sources within and outside of the DRC for cost data, and reports economic costs in 2016 International Dollars (I$). At a threshold of 3*GDP per capita for the DRC (I$2409), the study finds that the intervention is cost-effective. Paper 3 (chapter 3) examines the guideline concordance of the time to follow-up anal cancer screening in women living with HIV at high risk for anal cancer. In the US, the incidence of anal cancer in women living with HIV has increased significantly in the past 2-3 decades. However, early detection of anal cancer, through regular screening, can lead to effective secondary prevention of the disease. While guidelines for anal cancer screening exist, very little is known about the guideline concordance of the time to follow-up anal cancer screening in women at high risk of acquiring anal cancer. Hence this study. The study uses Medicaid Analytic eXtract files which compile claims of individuals enrolled in Medicaid—a public health insurance program largely for eligible low-income adults and the largest single payer for HIV/AIDS in the US. The study finds that time to follow-up screening is not guideline-concordant for most women living with HIV, particularly those with one of the two risk factors for anal cancer: a history of abnormal cervical test results or a history of genital warts.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the impact of a conditional cash transfer program, Progresa, on school attendance in Mexican rural and urban areas. Within recent years, conditional cash transfer programs have become one of the most accepted remedies for poverty alleviation in many countries. Progresa was developed as an economic experi-ment, with randomized selection process, treatment groups and control croups. For this reason, the impact of Progresa is ideal for economic analysis. There are clear evidence of disparities between urban and rural school attendance rates in Mexico, hence the pro-gram’s effect on school attendance rates have been studied in the two regions. There are several reasons why one would expect different outcomes of the program on school at-tendance in rural and urban areas. Expected returns to education and the opportunity cost of investment in schooling in different regions are thought to affect the household’s optimization problem differently. The impact of Progresa on school attendance rates is estimated by a logit regression model analyzing household data within the household optimization framework. Mainly, Progresa has a positive impact on children’s school at-tendance. However, it may be concluded that Progresa has no significant effect for older children in rural areas. This result is assumed to be explained by the different conditions poor families face in different regions. If rural households’ optimization problem indeed looks different; this might suggest that the design of conditional cash transfer programs such as Progresa is crucially important depending on the region of implementation. / Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera det villkora välfärdsprogrammet Progresa och dess effekt på skolnärvaro i mexikanska rurala och urbana områden. Under senare år har villkora välfärdsprogram kommit att vara en av de mest accepterade formerna av bistånd för att minska fattigdom i de flesta länder. Progresa utvecklades utifrån ett ekonomiskt experiment, med en slumpmässig urvalsprocess samt en experiment- och kontrollgrupp. Med anledning av detta är Progresa ett utmärkt program att studera för ekonomisk analys. Skolnärvaron i mexikanska rurala och urbana områden varierar stort och av denna anledning har effekten av Progresa studerats i de båda regionerna. Det finns många anledningar till varför vi bör förvänta oss avvikande utfall. En förklaring kan vara att utbildningens förväntade avkastning och alternativkostnad påverkar hushållens optimeringsproblem olika. Effekten av Progresa på skolnärvaro är beräknad med en logit regressionsmodell där hushållsdata analyseras inom ramen för hushållets optimeringsproblem. Huvudsakligen har Progresa en positiv effekt på barns skolnärvaro. Dock, och vad som bör noteras, är det faktum att Progresa inte har en signifikant påverkan på äldre rurala barns skolnärvaro. Detta resultat antas förklaras av fattiga familjers olika förutsättningar i rurala och urbana områden. I det fall rurala familjers optimeringsproblem skiljer sig från urbana familjers optimeringsproblem, torde detta innebära att strukturen av ett villkorligt biståndsprogram, så som Progresa, är av största vikt och bör anpassas ändamålsenligt.

<p>The aim of this paper is to analyze the impact of a conditional cash transfer program, Progresa, on school attendance in Mexican rural and urban areas. Within recent years, conditional cash transfer programs have become one of the most accepted remedies for poverty alleviation in many countries. Progresa was developed as an economic experi-ment, with randomized selection process, treatment groups and control croups. For this reason, the impact of Progresa is ideal for economic analysis. There are clear evidence of disparities between urban and rural school attendance rates in Mexico, hence the pro-gram’s effect on school attendance rates have been studied in the two regions. There are several reasons why one would expect different outcomes of the program on school at-tendance in rural and urban areas. Expected returns to education and the opportunity cost of investment in schooling in different regions are thought to affect the household’s optimization problem differently. The impact of Progresa on school attendance rates is estimated by a logit regression model analyzing household data within the household optimization framework. Mainly, Progresa has a positive impact on children’s school at-tendance. However, it may be concluded that Progresa has no significant effect for older children in rural areas. This result is assumed to be explained by the different conditions poor families face in different regions. If rural households’ optimization problem indeed looks different; this might suggest that the design of conditional cash transfer programs such as Progresa is crucially important depending on the region of implementation.</p> / <p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera det villkora välfärdsprogrammet Progresa och dess effekt på skolnärvaro i mexikanska rurala och urbana områden. Under senare år har villkora välfärdsprogram kommit att vara en av de mest accepterade formerna av bistånd för att minska fattigdom i de flesta länder. Progresa utvecklades utifrån ett ekonomiskt experiment, med en slumpmässig urvalsprocess samt en experiment- och kontrollgrupp. Med anledning av detta är Progresa ett utmärkt program att studera för ekonomisk analys. Skolnärvaron i mexikanska rurala och urbana områden varierar stort och av denna anledning har effekten av Progresa studerats i de båda regionerna. Det finns många anledningar till varför vi bör förvänta oss avvikande utfall. En förklaring kan vara att utbildningens förväntade avkastning och alternativkostnad påverkar hushållens optimeringsproblem olika. Effekten av Progresa på skolnärvaro är beräknad med en logit regressionsmodell där hushållsdata analyseras inom ramen för hushållets optimeringsproblem. Huvudsakligen har Progresa en positiv effekt på barns skolnärvaro. Dock, och vad som bör noteras, är det faktum att Progresa inte har en signifikant påverkan på äldre rurala barns skolnärvaro. Detta resultat antas förklaras av fattiga familjers olika förutsättningar i rurala och urbana områden. I det fall rurala familjers optimeringsproblem skiljer sig från urbana familjers optimeringsproblem, torde detta innebära att strukturen av ett villkorligt biståndsprogram, så som Progresa, är av största vikt och bör anpassas ändamålsenligt.</p>

A presente dissertação teve como objetivo explorar as conexões do Programa Bolsa Família com a questão educacional, analisando em que medida o programa reduz as múltiplas dimensões da desigualdade educacional enfrentada por seus beneficiários. Partindo-se da ideia que o direito à educação pressupõe a garantia de algo comum, e portanto igual para todos, adotou-se a concepção de desigualdade educacional de Marcel Crahay (2000), que define três dimensões necessárias de igualdade educacional: acesso, tratamento e conhecimento. Realizou-se uma discussão teórica sobre o papel da educação dentro do desenho do Bolsa Família, que busca por meio do acesso aos serviços educacionais cortar o ciclo intergeracional de pobreza em que estão inseridos seus beneficiários. Depois, foi diagnosticada a situação enfrentada pelos beneficiários em cada dimensão da desigualdade educacional. Esse diagnóstico foi realizado a partir de bases de dados do Sistema Presença, Censo Escolar, Ideb, Pnad e outros indicadores educacionais disponibilizados pelo Inep. Por fim, analisou-se como o programa busca e tem efeitos na redução das múltiplas dimensões da desigualdade educacional. Este último passo foi realizado a partir de uma revisão de literatura das produções acadêmicas da área e de um estudo de caso na rede municipal de Osasco. Conclui-se que os principais efeitos do Bolsa Família são sobre a dimensão do acesso, ainda que ele tenha efeitos potenciais e incipientes sobre a dimensão do tratamento e do aprendizado, principalmente via integração setorial. / This dissertation\'s main goal was to explore the ties between Bolsa Familia social program and the educational issue, analizing to what extent the program reduces the multiple aspects of educational inequality the beneficiaries are subject to. It was adopted Marcel Crahay\'s educational inequality concept that defines three necessary dimensions to reach educational equality: access, treatment and knowledge. I have made a theoretical discussion of the role education plays in the Bolsa Familia design, which aims to interrupt the beneficiarie\'s intergenerational poverty cycle by broadening the access to educational services. After that, I unraveled the situation faced by the beneficiaries in each dimension of educational inequality. This diagnosis was made using the Sistema Presença, Censo Escolar, Ideb and Pnad databases, along with other educational indicators made public by Inep. At last, I analyzed the program\'s efforts and results in reducing educational inequalities, in its multiple aspects. That last part was made by reviewing the specific academic literature and with a case study in the municipality of Osasco. The conclusion is that the main effects of the Bolsa Familia program are related to the access dimension, although it has potential and incipient effects on the treatment and knowledge dimensions, specially when it comes to sectorial integration.

Transferências Condicionadas de Renda (TCR), como o Programa Bolsa Família (PBF) no Brasil, são cada vez mais adotadas no mundo para romper com o ciclo de transmissão da pobreza, por meio de transferências monetárias a famílias pobres, condicionadas a investimentos em capital humano. Como cerca de 76% da população pobre do mundo vive em áreas rurais, e a incidência de pobreza é maior em localidades remotas florestadas, os TCR são frequentemente implementados junto a populações semiautárquicas de países em desenvolvimento. Assim, essas transferências têm aumentado a disponibilidade de recursos monetários junto a essas populações, como certos povos indígenas. Nesses contextos, evidências prévias mostram que a monetarização das economias locais pode ter efeitos positivos, negativos ou nulos na dedicação de tempo às atividades de subsistência e no consumo de recursos naturais. Porém, existem duas lacunas nesse conhecimento. Primeiro, estudos prévios avaliaram os efeitos conjuntos de diversas fontes de renda, muito embora estas variem nos investimentos de tempo necessários, de nulos (e.g., TCR e aposentadorias) a altos (e.g., salários e comércio de artesanato). Segundo, a maior parte da literatura assume, ainda que implicitamente, que as decisões na base das escolhas humanas são racionais e motivadas, sobretudo, por maximizar a renda ou, eventualmente, minimizar os riscos. Porém, evidências empíricas e avanços teóricos indicam que as decisões nem sempre são racionais, tanto por limitações cognitivas que levam a outros processos decisórios (e.g., heurísticas), como porque são motivadas por outros fatores (e.g., prazer, emoção, normas sociais). Portanto, esta dissertação teve por objetivo investigar se o aumento da renda monetária de transferências do PBF estava associado a diferenças no investimento de tempo em atividades de subsistência (agricultura, caça, pesca e coleta) e no consumo de produtos derivados ou não dessas atividades pelo povo indígena Kisêdjê da Amazônia brasileira. Além disso, investigou se o hedonismo e a contabilidade mental seriam motivadores dessas decisões. Três hipóteses foram testadas. Primeira, diferentes fontes de renda monetária devem produzir efeitos diversos sobre o tempo dedicado pelos Kisêdjê a atividades de subsistência. Segunda, os efeitos do PBF devem variar de acordo com o quanto as pessoas apreciam cada atividade de subsistência, i.e., o hedonismo é importante para prever investimentos de tempo nessas atividades. Terceira, os Kisêdjê realizam contabilidade mental, i.e., separam o dinheiro em diferentes contas mentais e, portanto, fontes alternativas de renda monetária devem produzir padrões de consumo distintos e fontes de renda de baixo esforço, como o PBF, devem privilegiar o consumo de alimentos ou de bens supérfluos. Para tal, o estudo adotou um delineamento observacional em painel, compreendendo todos (242) os indivíduos adultos (>=16 anos) de 2 comunidades. Os dados foram coletados em dois períodos em 2016 e 2017, por meio de survey por entrevistas estruturadas e experimento em contabilidade mental, e observação direta de alocação de tempo (random-interval instantaneous sampling), sendo analisados por técnicas de estatística descritiva e modelos mistos de regressão. Os resultados mostraram, primeiro, que as transferências do PBF não tiveram efeitos no tempo dedicado às atividades de subsistência, embora outras rendas monetárias (e.g., trabalho regular, aposentadoria) tenham ora aumentado, ora reduzido a probabilidade de investimento de tempo. Segundo, o hedonismo foi mais importante que as fontes de renda monetária para explicar o esforço alocado na atividade de caça para os homens. Por fim, não foram observadas evidências de contabilidade mental, ou seja: (i) o padrão de consumo não diferiu segundo a fonte de renda, mas somente entre homens e mulheres; (ii) com fontes de renda de baixo (e.g. PBF) ou alto esforço, os Kisêdjê estiveram menos propensos a consumir bens supérfluos. Os resultados parecem sugerir que os efeitos do PBF nas atividades de subsistência e no consumo dos Kisêdjê são baixos, muito embora a cobertura ampla tenha dificultado a avaliação. Quanto aos motivadores, os resultados apontam para a importância de investigar outros determinantes além da renda. / Conditional Cash Transfers (CCTs), such as the Bolsa Família Program (BFP) in Brazil, have increasingly been adopted worldwide to break the cycle of poverty transmission, by transferring cash to poor families, conditional on investments in human capital. As about 76% of the worlds poor live in rural areas, and poverty incidence is higher in remote forested localities, CCTs are frequently implemented in semi-autarkic communities of developing countries. Thus, these transfers have increased the availability of cash income resources to semi-autarkic populations, such as certain indigenous peoples. In this context, prior evidence shows the monetization of local economies has been associated with positive, negative, or null effects on the time allocated to subsistence activities and consumption of natural resources. However, there are two knowledge gaps. First, previous studies evaluated the combined effects of several income sources, although these sources vary on the necessary time investments, from null (e.g., CCTs) to high (e.g., wages and handicrafts trade). Second, most previous studies assume, although implicitly, that decisions which base peoples choices are rational and motivated, above all, on income maximization or, occasionally, risk minimization. However, empirical evidence and theoretical advances indicate that decisions are often not always, either because of cognitive limitations that lead to other decision-making processes (e.g., heuristics), or because they are motivated by other factors (e.g., pleasure, emotion, social norms). Therefore, this dissertation aimed to investigate whether increased levels of cash income from the BFP transfers were associated with differences in time investments in subsistence activities (agriculture, hunting, fishing and gathering) and in the consumption of Kisêdjê indigenous people from the Brazilian Amazon. Additionally, we investigated if hedonism and mental accounting were the motivators behind these decisions. Three hypotheses were tested. First, alternative income sources should produce different effects on the time allocated by the Kisêdjê to subsistence activities. Second, the effects of BFP should vary, depending on how much people appreciated each subsistence activity, i.e. hedonism is important to predict time investments. Third, Kisêdjê do mental accounting and, therefore, different cash income sources should distinct consumption patterns and low-effort activities such as BFP should increase the likelihood of consuming superfluous food or goods. To do that, we adopted an observational panel design, including all (242) adult individuals (>= 16 years) in 2 communities. Data were gathered in two periods in 2016 and 2017, through a survey based on face-to-face interviews and experiment in mental accounting, direct observations of time allocation by random-interval instantaneous sampling, and were analysed by descriptive statistical techniques and mixed-effects regressions. The results indicated that, first, BFP cash transfers had no effect on the time spent on subsistence activities, although other income sources (e.g., wages, pensions) in certain cases increased, while in others decreased the likelihood of time investments. Second, hedonism was important than cash income sources in explaining the effort allocated to hunting for men. Finally, we did not observe evidences of mental accounting, i.e.: (i) consumption patterns did not differ across income sources, but only between men and women; (ii) with low-effort (e.g., BFP) or high-effort income sources, the Kisêdjê were less likely to consume superfluous goods. Our results suggest that the effects of BFP transfers on subsistence activities and consumption are low, although the high rate of coverage has impaired our analyses. As regards motivations, the results point to the importance of investigating determinants other than income.

This dissertation is the first ever written Institutional Ethnography (IE) of the Asignación Universal por Hijo para Protección Social, or "AUH" [Universal Child Allowance], Argentina's CCT (conditional cash transfer) program. CCTs are one of international development's favourite and fastest-growing anti-poverty initiatives. Through the AUH, the State transfers cash to the poor attaching certain conditions that refer to the health and education of their children. Most CCT programs target women, and the AUH is no exception, as the overwhelming majority of legal recipients of the AUH are poor mothers. CCTs have been praised for contributing to human capital accumulation and empowering women. Using IE, a feminist socio-legal methodology drawn from Canadian sociologist Dorothy Smith,† I conducted research with a total of fifty-eight informants: thirty-nine AUH recipient women - through in-depth semi-structured individual interviews, focus group discussions, and narrative photovoice - and nineteen professionals working at diverse corners of the AUH institution. I use the findings to answer two main questions: (1) What are AUH recipients' experiences with and attitudes toward the program? and (2) How do both State and non-State legal regimes work to influence the lives of the most vulnerable women in Argentina? In other words, how does the AUH play within a system of rules - formal and informal - that have traditionally exerted control over poor women? Following IE and Social Reproduction Feminism (SRF), I found that while the AUH program indicates women's decision-making roles within their families and communities, this policy initiative serves to entrench rather than rectify inequalities. The problematic that I have found through this study is administrative and obstetric violence against AUH recipient women. Discussion about the administrative and obstetric violence that AUH recipient women suffer while doing AUH work has remained at the margins of legal and social policy debates, generally underdeveloped in policy and scholarship conversations about the realities of Argentina's most vulnerable people. Recipient women depicted diverse acts of violence they suffered while doing AUH work: they were mistreated, dismissed, neglected, humiliated, and discriminated against by State agents; recipient women were treated as ignorant or infantilized; recipient women had their stipend partially stolen by bureaucrats; had to wait countless hours in unsafe conditions; were not heard by health actors when expressing concerns about their health; had no opportunity to give prior informed consent; and they faced barriers to accessing health services and contraception. I have found a disjuncture between women's lived experiences and the broader ruling relations that organize "AUH work." The findings show a disconnection between women's experiences of violence, bureaucratic actors' experiences and knowledge of the AUH, and a misalignment between bureaucrats' knowledge and the black-letter law. These disjunctures enable and facilitate violence against recipient women through fragmentation, invisibilization, rationalization, minimization, standardization, and objectification of women's experiences. In sum, the AUH facilitates violence against women and systematically obscures that violence. Following a legal pluralist approach, I show the complex role of the law: at times, it problematically excludes recipient women's actual experiences from the AUH legal framework; at others, it fails to protect recipient women against violence. I identify the formal legal regimes interacting and immersed in the AUH institution: human rights and constitutional law, administrative law, and the violence against women (VAW) legal framework. Despite an outstanding formal repertoire of rights, there is a gap between the formal laws and their effective translation into women's lives. The law is fragmented, complex, and sometimes contradictory. It cannot be limited to State-enacted formal laws; informal laws substantially impact people's lives, such as the rule to avoid retaliation from State actors by avoiding complaining. I argue that IE and legal pluralism can provide a more nuanced understanding of the law's complex institutional hierarchy and of the myriad ways by which recipient women's voices continue to be ignored and discredited within the law in the hope that the law can better respond (or at least stops interfering) with their needs. Ultimately, nothing less than the transformation of the socioeconomic order will achieve gender equality. Rather than "empowerment," we should strive toward emancipation, abolishing the structural colonial, patriarchal, and capitalist foundations of exploitation and oppression instead of integrating women into existing institutions and "empowering" them with shallow cash transfers.