Submitted by KARINA OKAMOTO SILVA null (karina.okamoto@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-26T18:48:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO FINAL (3).pdf: 1138141 bytes, checksum: 4c0176ba2e20c0fa4953e1eddfa8bf2a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-28T13:15:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_ko_me_mar.pdf: 1138141 bytes, checksum: 4c0176ba2e20c0fa4953e1eddfa8bf2a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-28T13:15:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_ko_me_mar.pdf: 1138141 bytes, checksum: 4c0176ba2e20c0fa4953e1eddfa8bf2a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-31 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Devido à internacionalização dos riscos socioambientais que a mudança climática vem trazendo, a necessidade de trabalhar essa questão através de negociações e decisões além do nível nacional se tornou essencial. A temática ambiental, que não tinha muita relevância no cenário internacional até a década de 1970, foi ganhando espaço até se formar um regime internacional próprio para a mudança do clima. A partir desse período, a comunidade internacional começou a se reunir para discutir esse tema, quando diversos instrumentos foram criados para tratar do mesmo. Todo esse contexto do regime internacional de mudança climática será desenvolvido no presente trabalho, e, em específico, serão abordadas as reuniões das Conferências das Partes e a participação do Brasil nas negociações da Convenção Quadro das Nações Unidas sobre Mudança Climática. / Due to the social and environmental risks internationalization that the climate change has been bringing, the need to work this question, through negotiations and decisions beyond the national level, has become essential. The environmental theme, that had no relevance in the international scene until the 1970s, was gaining ground until an international regime to the climate change was formed. From this period, the international community began to meet to discuss this theme, where various instruments were created to deal with it. All this climate change international regime context will be developed in this work, and, specifically, will be addressed the meetings of the Conferences of the Parties and the participation of Brazil in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change negotiations. / CNPq: 130274/2016-0

Climate change is a critical sustainable development issue with implications for the environment, economies and society as we know it. The problem of climate change is caused by some countries in parts of the world that has a direct effect on people and natural resources in other parts of the world. Climate change is the effect of increased production of Greenhouse gases (GHGs). Due to the vast complexity of the climate change regime the study does not attempt to be comprehensive or conclusive. The aim of the study is to critically evaluate and determine the purpose, enforceability, legal nature, shortcomings and strengths of the non-binding Copenhagen Accord and how the international climate change regime will evolve after the Copenhagen Accord. The study starts with a brief explanation of the international climate change regime and its development, including international environmental law principles, specifically the common but differentiated responsibility principle. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has the ultimate objective to achieve the stabilisation of GHG concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. The Conference of the Parties (COPs) is the ultimate decision-making and supreme body of the UNFCCC and is authorised to make and implement decisions to promote the implementation of the UNFCCC, it further has the power to adopt new protocols under the UNFCCC and plays a substantial role in the development of new obligations by the parties to the convention. Various COPs, their respective adopted decisions and resolutions which played an important role in the development of the climate change regime are discussed. This includes COP 1 that lead to the Berlin Mandate; COP 3 and the Kyoto Protocol; COP 7 and the Marrakech Accords; COP 11 that marked the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol; COP 13 and the Bali Action Plan. COP 15 in Copenhagen was internationally expected and intended to be the breakthrough in addressing the post 2012 period. As is evident from the content of this study the result of COP 15 at Copenhagen means different challenges for different countries and the “bottom up” architecture of the accord could help encourage and reinforce national actions. An overview of the effect of the Copenhagen Accord on the climate change regime, with specific reference to COP 16 in Cancun, is then done. The “bottom up” architecture of the Copenhagen Accord was brought into the official UNFCCC process by the Cancun Agreements that were reached at COP 16. The study mostly comprised of a literature study, which reviewed the relevant international environmental law dealing with climate change, taking into account customary international law; international treaties and conventions; government documents, policies and reports; textbooks and academic journals as well as electronic material obtained from various internet sources. / Thesis (LLM (Environmental Law and Governance))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

Climate change is a critical sustainable development issue with implications for the environment, economies and society as we know it. The problem of climate change is caused by some countries in parts of the world that has a direct effect on people and natural resources in other parts of the world. Climate change is the effect of increased production of Greenhouse gases (GHGs). Due to the vast complexity of the climate change regime the study does not attempt to be comprehensive or conclusive. The aim of the study is to critically evaluate and determine the purpose, enforceability, legal nature, shortcomings and strengths of the non-binding Copenhagen Accord and how the international climate change regime will evolve after the Copenhagen Accord. The study starts with a brief explanation of the international climate change regime and its development, including international environmental law principles, specifically the common but differentiated responsibility principle. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has the ultimate objective to achieve the stabilisation of GHG concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. The Conference of the Parties (COPs) is the ultimate decision-making and supreme body of the UNFCCC and is authorised to make and implement decisions to promote the implementation of the UNFCCC, it further has the power to adopt new protocols under the UNFCCC and plays a substantial role in the development of new obligations by the parties to the convention. Various COPs, their respective adopted decisions and resolutions which played an important role in the development of the climate change regime are discussed. This includes COP 1 that lead to the Berlin Mandate; COP 3 and the Kyoto Protocol; COP 7 and the Marrakech Accords; COP 11 that marked the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol; COP 13 and the Bali Action Plan. COP 15 in Copenhagen was internationally expected and intended to be the breakthrough in addressing the post 2012 period. As is evident from the content of this study the result of COP 15 at Copenhagen means different challenges for different countries and the “bottom up” architecture of the accord could help encourage and reinforce national actions. An overview of the effect of the Copenhagen Accord on the climate change regime, with specific reference to COP 16 in Cancun, is then done. The “bottom up” architecture of the Copenhagen Accord was brought into the official UNFCCC process by the Cancun Agreements that were reached at COP 16. The study mostly comprised of a literature study, which reviewed the relevant international environmental law dealing with climate change, taking into account customary international law; international treaties and conventions; government documents, policies and reports; textbooks and academic journals as well as electronic material obtained from various internet sources. / Thesis (LLM (Environmental Law and Governance))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

The aim of this thesis is to investigate the discursive use of first person plural pronoun we through a discourse analysis of the variety of arguments by leaders of Pacific Island States in political debates, specifically within a climate change context. The research question is “How do political leaders of Pacific Island states make discursive use of the first person plural pronoun we in political debates in a climate change context?” By using a textual discourse analysis to study statements made by Pacific Island leaders at the UN Conference of the Parties, the investigation finds a wide variety of argumentation styles and pronominal choices. The main finding is how the word we is used in several ways, all of which carry political meaning, and the pronominal choice is found to depend on social context as well as the intention of the speaker. Political leaders utilize the pronoun we as a tool for political rhetoric, to argue both that the international community as a whole will face the negative consequences of climate change while also emphasizing the specific victim status of the islands. Several of the arguments found in the statements that were studied are centered on the vulnerable status of the SIDS (Small Island Developing States), emphasizing how they are severely affected by climate change. The essay demonstrates that the pronominal choices also have actual implications on the dynamics of the political arena. Primarily, the exclusive we isused to create a sense of division between groups, which encourages political mobilization. In addition, leaders are shown to make claims of a leadership role by using an exclusive we to create an image of the own nation as responsible, and opt for an inclusive we to create a feeling of shared responsibility globally.

As mudanças climáticas figuram entre as principais questões da sociedade de risco característica do mundo atual. Elas são multidimensionais e exigem uma análise multiescalar. Inevitavelmente, as decisões são deslocadas para além do nível nacional, na medida em que os problemas socioambientais transcendem as fronteiras estatais. O tema foi incorporado à agenda ambiental internacional nas últimas décadas e atualmente conforma uma ordem ambiental complexa do ponto de vista normativo/institucional. Participam dela quase todos os países que, em conjunto, visam responder ao desafio relativo ao tema, tanto no tocante à mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, como à adaptação aos efeitos que são e serão sentidos por grande parte da população mundial. Porém, ao mesmo tempo em que se reconhece a importância da cooperação multilateral em favor de uma governança eficaz na abordagem do tema, verifica-se que os Estados têm posicionamentos distintos e desenvolvem diversas estratégicas para fazer com que seus interesses nacionais específicos sejam contemplados a cada rodada do processo negociador, o que corrobora com as teorias realistas das Relações Internacionais e de território e soberania da Geografia Política. Neste trabalho analisa-se a participação do Brasil em seis Conferências das Partes da Convenção-Quadro das Nações Unidas sobre Mudança do Clima (UNFCCC), realizadas no período de 2009 a 2014. Avaliam-se quais foram os interesses brasileiros em cada uma destas etapas, o grau de influência exercido sobre os demais países que integram a ordem, bem como em que medida as expectativas do governo brasileiro foram contempladas nas decisões finais destas rodadas de negociações. A metodologia pautou-se em análise de livros, artigos e relatórios sobre a ciência da mudança do clima; de teorias da Geografia Política e das Relações Internacionais; de documentos oficiais sobre eventos que precederam as conferências analisadas no trabalho; das propostas submetidas pelo governo brasileiro e discursos proferidos por seus representantes; de informações obtidas junto à delegação brasileira; de relatórios diários e decisões oficiais de cada rodada de negociações; da participação in loco nos três últimos encontros avaliados nos quais foi possível acompanhar a atuação da delegação brasileira e avaliar suas consequências; bem como de material bibliográfico e jornalístico relacionados a este período do processo negociador. Verificou-se que o Brasil mostra-se cada vez mais disposto à cooperação e tem se destacado por sua habilidade diplomática e ações desenvolvidas em seu território, em especial no combate ao desmatamento da Amazônia. Porém, apresenta premissas básicas não passíveis de flexibilização até o presente momento, como a diferenciação entre países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento conforme estabelecido pela UNFCCC. A questão que se coloca não é se o país irá ampliar sua ambição em termos de mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, mas como as medidas desenvolvidas em seu território serão traduzidas em compromissos internacionalmente vinculantes no novo acordo a ser definido ao final de 2015. Entende-se que o posicionamento do Brasil será fundamental para a conformação da nova fase da ordem ambiental internacional sobre mudanças climáticas, diante de seu perfil de emissões e poder político, econômico e ambiental. / Climate change is among the key issues of the risk society characteristic of today\'s world. They are multidimensional and require multiscale analysis. Inevitably, decisions are displaced beyond the national level to the extent that environmental issues transcend state borders. The theme was incorporated into the international environmental agenda in recent decades and now conform a complex environmental order of the legal/institutional point of view. Participate in it almost all countries that, together, aim to meet the challenge concerning the issue, both with respect to mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions and adaptation to the effects that are and will be felt by much of the world\'s population. However, while recognizing the importance of multilateral cooperation in favor of effective governance in the approach to the subject, it appears that States have different positions and develop various strategies to make their specific national interests are incorporated every round of the negotiating process, which corroborates the realistic theories of International Relations and territory and sovereignty of Political Geography. This paper analyzes the participation of Brazil in six Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in the 2009-2014 period. This study evaluates which were the Brazilian interests in each of these steps, the degree of influence exercised over other countries of the order as well as to what extent the expectations of the Brazilian government were, in fact, included in the final decisions of these rounds negotiations. The methodology was based on the analysis of books, articles and reports on the science of climate change; theories of Political Geography and International Relations; of official documents about events that preceded the conference analyzed at work; of the proposals submitted by the Brazilian government and speeches by their representatives; information obtained from the Brazilian delegation; daily reports and official decisions of each round of negotiations; participation in loco in the last three meetings at which it was possible to track the performance of the Brazilian delegation and assess its consequences; as well as bibliographic and journalistic material related to this period of the negotiating process. It was found that Brazil appears to be increasingly willing to cooperation and has become known for his diplomatic skill and actions carried out in its territory, particularly in combating deforestation of the Amazon. However, it presents basic premises not subject to easing so far as the differentiation between developed and developing countries, as established by the UNFCCC. The question that arises is not if the country will increase its ambition in terms of mitigating emissions of greenhouse gases, but how the measures developed in its territory will be translated into internationally binding commitments in the new agreement to set the end of 2015. It is understood that Brazil\'s position will be critical to the shaping of the new phase of international environmental policy on climate change, because of the emissions profile and political, economic and environmental power.

Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-27T19:36:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Elze Camila Ferreira Rodrigue.pdf: 1208562 bytes, checksum: b180d45cf2a6c36efc292d8a761f0281 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-27T19:36:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elze Camila Ferreira Rodrigue.pdf: 1208562 bytes, checksum: b180d45cf2a6c36efc292d8a761f0281 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnologia / During the fifteenth edition of the Conference of the Parties of the UNFCCC, the Brazilian diplomatic representation took a voluntary commitment to reduce national emissions of greenhouse gas effect. This was an outstanding event in the international climate change regime and in the trajectory of Brazilian environmental foreign policy because of the country's pioneering among the intermediaries economies that do not belong to Annex I. This attitude of Brazilian diplomacy is a part of the framework experienced by environmental multilateralism where the traditional division between North-South includes now the intermediate category of emerging economies. The performance of Brazil and other countries in that category was reflected in the discussions in the years after COP-15. The aim of this study is to analyze the performance of Brazilian diplomacy between the COP-15 and COP-21 concerning the challenges of climate change and multilateralism. Therefore, it is an analysis of the Brazilian environmental foreign policy during this period as well as a comparison with the performance of the BASIC countries in the same timeline / Durante a décima quinta edição da Conferência das Partes da UNFCCC, a representação diplomática brasileira assumiu para o país um compromisso voluntário de redução das emissões nacionais de gases causadores do efeito estufa. Tal evento foi marcante no regime emissões nacionais de gases causadores do efeito estufa. Tal evento foi marcante no regime por conta do pioneirismo do país entre os intermediários que não pertencem ao Anexo I. Essa atitude da diplomacia brasileira é parte da conjuntura vivida pelo multilateralismo ambiental em que a tradicional clivagem Norte-Sul ganhava também a categoria intermediária das economias emergentes. A atuação do Brasil e de outros países dessa categoria teve reflexos nos debates nos anos posteriores à COP-15. O objetivo desse trabalho é, assim, analisar a atuação da diplomacia brasileira entre a COP-15 e a COP-21 diante dos desafios das mudanças climáticas e do multilateralismo. Para tanto, faz-se uma análise da política externa ambiental do país neste período, bem como um paralelo com a atuação dos países do BASIC na mesma cronologia

As mudanças climáticas figuram entre as principais questões da sociedade de risco característica do mundo atual. Elas são multidimensionais e exigem uma análise multiescalar. Inevitavelmente, as decisões são deslocadas para além do nível nacional, na medida em que os problemas socioambientais transcendem as fronteiras estatais. O tema foi incorporado à agenda ambiental internacional nas últimas décadas e atualmente conforma uma ordem ambiental complexa do ponto de vista normativo/institucional. Participam dela quase todos os países que, em conjunto, visam responder ao desafio relativo ao tema, tanto no tocante à mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, como à adaptação aos efeitos que são e serão sentidos por grande parte da população mundial. Porém, ao mesmo tempo em que se reconhece a importância da cooperação multilateral em favor de uma governança eficaz na abordagem do tema, verifica-se que os Estados têm posicionamentos distintos e desenvolvem diversas estratégicas para fazer com que seus interesses nacionais específicos sejam contemplados a cada rodada do processo negociador, o que corrobora com as teorias realistas das Relações Internacionais e de território e soberania da Geografia Política. Neste trabalho analisa-se a participação do Brasil em seis Conferências das Partes da Convenção-Quadro das Nações Unidas sobre Mudança do Clima (UNFCCC), realizadas no período de 2009 a 2014. Avaliam-se quais foram os interesses brasileiros em cada uma destas etapas, o grau de influência exercido sobre os demais países que integram a ordem, bem como em que medida as expectativas do governo brasileiro foram contempladas nas decisões finais destas rodadas de negociações. A metodologia pautou-se em análise de livros, artigos e relatórios sobre a ciência da mudança do clima; de teorias da Geografia Política e das Relações Internacionais; de documentos oficiais sobre eventos que precederam as conferências analisadas no trabalho; das propostas submetidas pelo governo brasileiro e discursos proferidos por seus representantes; de informações obtidas junto à delegação brasileira; de relatórios diários e decisões oficiais de cada rodada de negociações; da participação in loco nos três últimos encontros avaliados nos quais foi possível acompanhar a atuação da delegação brasileira e avaliar suas consequências; bem como de material bibliográfico e jornalístico relacionados a este período do processo negociador. Verificou-se que o Brasil mostra-se cada vez mais disposto à cooperação e tem se destacado por sua habilidade diplomática e ações desenvolvidas em seu território, em especial no combate ao desmatamento da Amazônia. Porém, apresenta premissas básicas não passíveis de flexibilização até o presente momento, como a diferenciação entre países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento conforme estabelecido pela UNFCCC. A questão que se coloca não é se o país irá ampliar sua ambição em termos de mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, mas como as medidas desenvolvidas em seu território serão traduzidas em compromissos internacionalmente vinculantes no novo acordo a ser definido ao final de 2015. Entende-se que o posicionamento do Brasil será fundamental para a conformação da nova fase da ordem ambiental internacional sobre mudanças climáticas, diante de seu perfil de emissões e poder político, econômico e ambiental. / Climate change is among the key issues of the risk society characteristic of today\'s world. They are multidimensional and require multiscale analysis. Inevitably, decisions are displaced beyond the national level to the extent that environmental issues transcend state borders. The theme was incorporated into the international environmental agenda in recent decades and now conform a complex environmental order of the legal/institutional point of view. Participate in it almost all countries that, together, aim to meet the challenge concerning the issue, both with respect to mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions and adaptation to the effects that are and will be felt by much of the world\'s population. However, while recognizing the importance of multilateral cooperation in favor of effective governance in the approach to the subject, it appears that States have different positions and develop various strategies to make their specific national interests are incorporated every round of the negotiating process, which corroborates the realistic theories of International Relations and territory and sovereignty of Political Geography. This paper analyzes the participation of Brazil in six Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in the 2009-2014 period. This study evaluates which were the Brazilian interests in each of these steps, the degree of influence exercised over other countries of the order as well as to what extent the expectations of the Brazilian government were, in fact, included in the final decisions of these rounds negotiations. The methodology was based on the analysis of books, articles and reports on the science of climate change; theories of Political Geography and International Relations; of official documents about events that preceded the conference analyzed at work; of the proposals submitted by the Brazilian government and speeches by their representatives; information obtained from the Brazilian delegation; daily reports and official decisions of each round of negotiations; participation in loco in the last three meetings at which it was possible to track the performance of the Brazilian delegation and assess its consequences; as well as bibliographic and journalistic material related to this period of the negotiating process. It was found that Brazil appears to be increasingly willing to cooperation and has become known for his diplomatic skill and actions carried out in its territory, particularly in combating deforestation of the Amazon. However, it presents basic premises not subject to easing so far as the differentiation between developed and developing countries, as established by the UNFCCC. The question that arises is not if the country will increase its ambition in terms of mitigating emissions of greenhouse gases, but how the measures developed in its territory will be translated into internationally binding commitments in the new agreement to set the end of 2015. It is understood that Brazil\'s position will be critical to the shaping of the new phase of international environmental policy on climate change, because of the emissions profile and political, economic and environmental power.