Thesis--University of Florida. / Description based on print version record. Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 227-247).

Orientador: Marcio Bilharinho Naves / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T21:36:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedrassoli_PauloEduardo_M.pdf: 8245764 bytes, checksum: 6266b9e6eb03ce1e2e90be932c1f79af (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Esta dissertação de mestrado tem por objeto uma das obras mais célebres dentro do marxismo: o Manifesto Comunista, de Marx e Engels. Seu objetivo geral é realizar uma apreensão e uma análise das proposições teóricas e políticas do livro referido, mediante três dos principais conceitos dentro da teoria marxista: classes sociais, partido e Estado. Objetivos específicos:reter, de um lado, a base científica construída na crítica da teoria do valor e da forma mercadoria - marcas da economia política clássica - e, de outro, o fundamento da perspectiva do materialismo histórico -sintetizados em torno das relações sociais de produção e das forças produtivas. A referência teórica foi baseada, principalmente, na obra de Marx. Encaminhamento metodológico: partir da apreensão da teorização e da compreensão dos conceitos indicados, dentro do Manifesto, esclarecendo sua formulação por base na análise de Marx - em torno da crítica da economia política e do fundamento materialista da história. Essa dissertação vislumbrou três significativas retificações do Manifesto. Duas mais visíveis, por serem declarada pelos próprios autores -sobre Estado e sobre a distinção entre valor do trabalho e valor da força do trabalho. Outra menos visível, por se encontrar publicamente silenciada por Marx, embora seja autorizada em sua reflexão amadurecida - a precedência ascendente das relações sociais de produção sobre as forças produtivas. Pareceu ser viável, em tese, a validação de uma hipótese que sugere a profunda interconexão e dependência entre a reproblematização do materialismo histórico, do conhecimento cientifico da teoria do valor e do caráter da mercadoria, assim como, de suas conseqüências políticas em seus desdobramentos revolucionários para construir o comunismo / Abstract: This master's degree dissertation has inside for object one of the most famous works of the marxism: Communist Manifesto, of Marx and Engels. Her general objective is to accomplish an apprehension and an analysis of the theoretical and political propositions of the referred book, by three of the main concepts inside of the marxist theory: social class, party and State. Specific objectives: to keep, on a side, the scientific base built in the critic of the theory of the value and of the form merchandise -marks of the classic political economy - and, of other, the foundation of the perspective of the historical materialism - synthesized around the social relationships of production and of the productive forces. The theoretical reference was based, mainly, in Marx's work. Methodological direction: to leave of the apprehension of the theory and of the understanding of the suitable concepts, inside of the Manifesto, explaining her fonnulation for base in Marx's analysis - around the critic of the political economy and of the materialistic foundation of the history. That dissertation glimpsed three significant rectifications of the Manifesto. Two more visible, for they be declared by the own authors - on state and about the distinction between value of the work and value of the force of the work. Other less visible, for finding openly silenced by Marx, although it is authorized in his matured reflection - the ascending precedence of the social relationships of production about the productive forces. Seemed to be viable, in theory, the validation of a hypothesis that suggests the deep interconnection and dependence among the reorganization of the historical materialism, of the knowledge inform of the theory of the value and of the character of the merchandise, as well as, of their political consequences in their revolutionary unfoldings to build the communism / Mestrado / Mestre em Sociologia

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2002. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Harvard University, 1988. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [254]-273).

Thesis (M.A.)--Université de Sherbrooke, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references.

This study explores the power of ethnonationalist conflict-generated diasporas (CGD) as external actors in homeland conflict by exploring the nature of their political engagement on a transnational level using Internet Communication technologies (ICTs), with Rwanda as a case study. Virtual ethnography was chosen as the research methodology to explore the online activities of Rwandan CGD using social media (social networking sites) to form virtual transnational networks for political purposes. Diasporic online formations and activities were mapped in order to gain increased insights into ways that CGD use social media to engage in homeland conflict, and the effect their engagement has on the conflict cycle in the home country. Results of the study revealed that Rwandan CGDs demonstrate attitudes and motivations to act in ways that are consistent with other case studies of CGD, including exhibiting an enduring commitment and loyalty to co-ethnics, a romanticized conceptualization of homeland and a myth of return home. The results also revealed Rwandan CGDs' strong propensity to use social media to engage in homeland conflict on a political level through the development of a large and dense transnational network used for a range of political purposes, including the dissemination of genocide denial and propaganda consistent with the pre-genocide propaganda campaign. Implications for peace-building and conflict analysis are discussed.

The working class in the Ruhr was in the process of formation throughout this period, with considerable migration into the area from many parts of Germany and abroad. Mobility was also high within the Ruhr. The result was that the working class was unsettled and unhomogenous. Divisions were preserved and strengthened by company housing and by the important role of denominational organisations within the social and community life of the district. The experience of work provided a possible basis for working class unity. Mine work was hard, dangerous and often not particularly well paid. Discontent and conflict was expressed through absenteeism, job-changing and unplanned, spontaneous strikes. The issues were pay, hours and dignity at work. Solidarity, however, was limited so that strikes generally ended in defeat and disarray. The only significant concessions came not from the employers but from the Government. The labour movement tried to create a stronger basis for class unity through the creation of strong organisations encompassing the mass of workers. This in turn required the avoidance of contentious and divisive issues such as religion, and meant that precedence was given to organisation-building rather than to industrial militancy or political radicalism. This approach, which was typical of the labour movement in Germany, was thus in large measure a response to the problems of working class society in the Ruhr. The labour movement was unsuccessful, however, in its attempt to overcome working class divisions through the emphasis on organisation; only Government intervention in the years after 1914 offered a way forward.

Thesis (M.S.)--George Mason University, 2008. / Vita: p. 116. Thesis director: Wallace Warfield. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Aug. 28, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-115). Also issued in print.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2008. / A thesis submitted to the University of Western Sydney, College of Arts, Social Justice & Social Change Research Centre, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Includes bibliographical references.

Capital investment in natural resource extraction has fuelled an unprecedented rush to secure hydrocarbon and mining concessions and contracts throughout the Andes-Amazon-Chaco region leading to increased tensions and conflict with lowland indigenous groups residing in the areas that contain subsoil resources. This thesis explores resource extraction and conflict through an ethnography of state-society interactions over proposed hydrocarbon extraction in Bolivia. It asks, how does a “post-neoliberal state” combine commitments to indigenous people, the environment and the redistributive development of natural resource wealth, and how do social movements and other actors respond? In answering this question, the thesis examines how hydrocarbon expansion has affected the country’s most important gas producing region (the Department of Tarija), indigenous Guaraní society and indigenous Weenhayek society, both in their internal relationships and in their historically uneasy negotiations with the central state. By paying particular attention to the Guaraní and Weenhayek it also asks how far a national “government of social movements” has favoured or not the concerns and political projects of indigenous groups that are generally not well represented in the social movements that undergird this new state. In this vein, this research seeks to shed light on a series of contradictions and incongruities that characterise extractive-led economies with an end to contributing to debates about the possibility of combining more socially and environmentally sound modes of production, new forms of democracy, self governance and popular participation.